COLOMBIA

 

Uruguayan writer Eduardo Galeano calls countries like Colombia1 a "democra-torship" as, despite the existence of some democratic forms, they also exhibit classic features of a dictatorship.2 While Colombia has been hailed as one of the most stable Latin American democracies,3 the extent of political violence in the country, in which an estimated 35,000 people have lost their lives in the past ten years, far exceeds the violence experienced under Latin American authoritarian systems in the past.4

Colombia has been consumed by protracted internal conflict and violence perpetuated by government security forces, right-wing paramilitary groups and left-wing guerrillas, in varying degrees, since the 1940s. In the struggle for territory, civilians have been the principal victims. Human Rights Watch (HRW) reported that in 1997, while 1,250 people died in combat, 2,183 noncombatants were also killed for political reasons, most often accused of sympathizing with one of the sides in the conflict.5 According to HRW, most of the murders were committed by the paramilitary forces with the support of the Colombian Army. 6 At the same time, it is clear that the government has not dealt with the paramilitaries as forcefully as with the guerrillas. In 1997, for instance, 546 attacks were made on guerrillas, while only seven were staged against paramilitary groups.7 Although women in Colombia have not been the main targets of human rights violations, they have been victims of the conflict if they were politically active, because of the political activities of their partners or relatives, or because they reside in guerrilla-controlled areas. According to a 1995 Amnesty International (AI) report, political violence against Colombian women has been on the rise in recent years and has taken the form of rape, torture and extrajudicial executions.8

In addition, an estimated 600,000 people have been internally displaced as a result of escalating violence, which makes Colombia's the fourth largest population of displaced people after Sudan, Angola and Afghanistan.9 Displacement is the result of terror caused by selective killings, torture and threats, as well as by the forced expulsion of poor peasants from their land by paramilitary groups. According to reports, women - often recently widowed - and their children are the principal victims of internal displacement. They not only face the sole responsibility for their family, but also remain vulnerable as a result of physical and psychological trauma of their recent experience.10

The Civil War

Guerrillas

Many analysts trace the roots of the conflict to Colombia's widespread poverty and deep social inequalities and to the lack of alternative means of political expression. Until 1979, only two parties, Liberal and Conservative, occupied the political space, and any other political forces were illegal. As a response to the impossibility of open dissent and conditions of poverty and inequality, since the 1960s eight large and several smaller guerrilla groups formed.

In 1979-80, based on the principles of the Doctrine of National Security, the government "turned [the country] over to the armed forces for management"11 and allowed the military to carry out arbitrary arrests, torture and "disappearances" of the guerrillas. The policy to fight "the enemy from within" resulted in rationalization of governance by decree and the suspension of individual rights.12 With time, this principle was extended to anyone who was considered a "guerrilla collaborator," especially inhabitants of areas of guerrilla activity, mainly indigenous people and peasants.

Since the late 1980s, guerrilla organizations have stepped up their activities and linked with narco-traffickers for support in exchange for protection of the fields and laboratories. Today, the two major rebel groups, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN) with a combined force of about 20,000 combatants, control almost half the territory of Colombia.13

Paramilitarism

Paramilitarism resulted from the 1960s government authorization to involve civilians in "self-defense" activities aimed at the "re-establishment of normalcy." Although the Supreme Court has declared the paramilitary civilian armed groups to exist only "at the margin of the Constitution and of the laws," 14 they have continued to enjoy tolerance and even outright support from the government. The Executive Branch has publicly condemned the groups, but its policy as to promotions indicates support for those in the highest command of the military who favor alliance with the paramilitaries.

The real problem, according to many observers, lies not in the laws, but in continued human rights abuses and impunity. In this regard, the judiciary has served as the greatest protector of paramilitarism. For example, only three percent of the reported crimes committed by civilian groups resulted in convictions in 1994.15

Although the military stopped defending the paramilitaries in 1989, it has continued to strengthen relationships and networks with civilian armed groups all over the country. In fact, the paramilitary troops have often worked in close partnership with the military. HRW gathered evidence pointing to the deliberate effort since 1991 on the part of the military to involve civilians in its intelligence-gathering operations. Paramilitary forces have worked under direct orders of the military high command either through the intelligence networks by participating in military attacks on specific targets.16

In a recent interview with the Madrid-based El País Internacional, Carlos Castaño, the commander of the paramilitary forces in Colombia, admitted only that in the past the paramilitaries committed "errors" by conducting "unjustifiable massacres" of the peasants. Castaño confirmed that in an effort to "self-finance," the troops pressure people living in the combat zones to pay special quotas. "If this is called extortion, I'm sorry," he said. "We provide them with protection."17 The paramilitaries have been demanding a role in the peace talks with the guerrillas that the government of Andrés Pastrana pledged to restart (see below under "The Government).18

The Government

The new, Conservative Party President Andrés Pastrana, a Harvard-educated former TV anchor and former mayor of Bogotá, was inaugurated in August 1998 after a victory by the largest margin in the country's history. Pastrana had lost a bid for the presidency in 1994 and was the first to accuse his predecessor, Ernesto Samper, of accepting US $ 6 million from the Cali drug cartel for his 1994 presidential campaign.19 Pastrana made ending the civil conflict the highest priority of his presidency and pledged to restart peace negotiations with the rebels, who had expressed a willingness to hold talks for the first time in six years.20

In October 1998, in a decision that aroused controversy at home and abroad, Pastrana ordered government troops' withdrawal by 7 November 1998 from part of southeastern Colombia dominated by the rebels in an effort to open peace talks with the guerrillas.21 But observers have cautioned that despite these attempts, the peace process could take months or years. For instance, so far none of the rebel groups have agreed to a cease-fire.22 In fact, both the paramilitaries and the guerrillas have continued staging military attacks.23

Narco-trafficking

Eighty percent of Colombia's cocaine exports end up in the United States.24 Because of the amount of money involved in the drug trade, corruption of public officials by narcotics operations is a serious problem. 25 At the same time, the rebel groups have maintained that the farmers who grow coca have no other choice, and that not enough is being done to provide alternative development - crop substitution payments to peasants to encourage them to switch from coca leaf production. The government policy to eliminate coca cultivation has amounted to little more than attempts to wipe out the fields with aerial spraying and interdiction of shipments of cocaine and heroin, and it has failed to address the root causes of the situation.26

Human rights activist Olga Gutierrez of Coordinacion-Europa, also accuses the military and the right-wing paramilitary groups of links with cocaine traffickers.27 There is evidence that official Colombian aircraft have been used for smuggling drugs out of the country. In 1996, 8.8 pounds of heroin was found in the nose of an official presidential (Samper) jet. In November 1998, U.S. customs officials in Florida found 1,600 pounds of cocaine in 700 packages on a Colombian military plane.28

In October 1998, US President Bill Clinton and Andrés Pastrana met in Washington, DC and announced that the struggle against narco-trafficking is "a common responsibility." In November 1998, the US Congress authorized an increase of the amount of aid to Colombia from US $ 80 million to US $ 289 million for fighting drug-trafficking and for economic development, which is more than double the amount given last year.29 This made Colombia the top recipient of US foreign assistance.30

The results of the new approach have yet to be seen. In the past, the US has been accused by both international and Colombian human rights activists of militarizing and politicizing the war against the drug trade.31 Critics claim that much of the equipment that will be provided to the Colombian government under the new assistance program for use against coca growers and traffickers, can be used against the guerillas.32

Freedom of Expression and Human Rights

Media

Colombia is the most dangerous country in the Western Hemisphere in which to practice journalism. Since 1986, more than forty -five journalists have been murdered. Despite incredible risks, journalists have continued to cover the drug trade and corruption.33 Some, however, have admitted in private that the recent new dangers posed by increasing hostilities and the government's effort to control coverage have led them to self-censor.34

Under the Samper administration, the government attempted to eliminate negative coverage through government regulation and the distribution of media outlets to friends and political supporters. In August 1997, two cabinet ministers resigned after the weekly Semana published the transcript of a recorded cellular phone conversation in which they discussed Samper's plan to award radio frequencies to president's political allies.

In 1996, a new law gave the National Television Commission authority to cancel television licenses that do not conform to the standards of "objectivity, impartiality or balance."35 Under this law, in October 1997, two TV stations that had broadcast stories critical of the government, were denied license renewal. To protest these actions, Nobel Prize winning author Gabriel García Márquez withdrew his request to renew the license for the TV station that he co-owned with journalist Enrique Santos Calderón.36

Human Rights Movement

Colombian human rights organizations have collected and transmitted internationally information on rights violations by all sides, and have worked to provide aid to the war victims. They have operated under tremendously dangerous conditions. Military and paramilitary groups repeatedly have targeted activists; scores of human rights workers have been harassed, threatened and killed.37 Since 1997, more than twenty human rights activists have been murdered38 In 1997, Amnesty International had to close its office in Colombia after repeated death threats against its members.39

In recognition of work under these extraordinarily dangerous conditions, four Colombian NGO activists, working with Peace Brigades International (PBI), the only international human rights group functioning in Colombia, were presented with the 1998 Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award. One of the winners, Mario Humberto Calixto, president of the Sabana de Torres Human Rights Committee, had narrowly escaped an attempt on his life in December 1997.40

"Faceless" Justice

According to some witness accounts, the system of "faceless justices" that has been set up in Colombia has been a vehicle for various types of legal abuses. According to some accounts, the system in which clandestine witnesses, secret judges, evidence and testimony and "accusations" made and paid for with large amounts of money. According to critics, the army has been granted wide-ranging powers to manipulate evidence.41

Economy

Colombia has enjoyed one of the most consistent growth rates in Latin America, with GDP averaging a four-percent increase in the 1990s. The economy is expected to grow 2.5 percent in 1998. The lower rate this year is a result of the impact of climatic changes brought by "El Niño" on Colombia's agriculture42 and the aftershock of the Asian crisis. Petroleum became the country's leading export in 1996, but coffee, coal and cut flowers have remained important trade goods. Economists expect the unemployment rate to increase to twenty percent by the end of 1998 (from 15.8 percent in June 1998).43

Labor

Trade union leaders have continued to be among the main victims of violence. According to the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) annual report, in 1997, at least 156 union leaders were murdered and scores had to move from their homes because of death threats. The ICFTU report blamed the paramilitaries for most of the atrocities, although the security forces and the guerrillas were responsible for some as well. In October 1998, the vice-president of the Unified Workers' Central, Jorge Ortega was murdered in the midst of negotiations between labor unions and the government. 44

Colombia's labor law was revised in 1990-1991 as part of the country's structural adjustment program. The labor market was deregulated by making the firing of workers easier, and by institutionalizing temporary work contracts. At the same time, the new provisions made it difficult for many workers to join unions and to be covered by collective agreements. 45 Although the right to strike is guaranteed under the constitution, the new labor law severely restricts the right in many industries and gives the government a great deal of authority to end a strike "when it affects the economy."46 The government attempted to use the law in October 1998 by declaring illegal a strike of tens of thousands of public employees in protest of a government austerity package aimed at cutting public spending and reducing wage increases to amounts much below inflation. The unions, however, refused to end the protest, and the government was pressed to negotiate with their leaders.47

STATUS OF WOMEN IN COLOMBIA UNDER SPECIFIC CEDAW ARTICLES:

The following material on the status of women under specific CEDAW articles was compiled based on several reports received by IWRAW. The primary source was a commentary on the fourth periodic report of Colombia to CEDAW prepared by Attorneys of the Servicio Juridico de PROFAMILIA, Red Nacional de Mujeres - Regional Bogotá (Legal Services Project of Profamilia, National Women's Network - Bogotá). The Attorneys indicated in their report that la Dirección Nacional para la Equidad (DINEM; National Office for Equality of Women) made the official report available to NGOs only on 5 November 1998 which gave them little time to work with the document. The Attorneys stated that the government uses old statistics even though new data is available. In addition, in some cases the statistics were not disaggregated by sex. According to the NGO, the official report contains very little information regarding women from non-white ethnic groups (particularly indigenous and black women), and the ones who are in a situation of the greatest vulnerability, such as displaced and disabled women. In addition, despite the creation of DINEM in order to coordinate work of various agencies and monitor progress on gender equality, the government has not apportioned the resources necessary to implement programs for women. Moreover, DINEM has not provided strong leadership in efforts to achieve a substantive change.48

IWRAW also received a report the New York-based non-governmental organization, Equality Now. It was originally submitted for the 59th Session of the United Nations Human Rights Committee which was held in March 1997.

ARTICLE 2 - POLICY MEASURES TAKEN TO ELIMINATE DISCRIMINATION

The 1991 Constitution guarantees extensive civil rights for women, such as the right to equal opportunities and the right not to be subjected to any form of discrimination. It stipulates that the authorities will guarantee the appropriate and effective participation of women at decision-making levels of public administration. It provides for punishment of those who commit abuse and ill-treatment of women.49 Yet, despite these provisions, discrimination and violence against Colombian women persists and women's participation in national political structures and institutions remains low.

ARTICLE 3 - BASIC HUMAN RIGHTS AND FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMS ON AN EQUAL BASIS WITH MEN

Women in Prison

Women serving time in prison, especially those who are pregnant or are nursing children, do not receive adequate medical and social services. According to Servicio Colombiano de Comunicación and Profamilia, about forty percent do not receive prenatal care, and 86.5 percent receive no care al all in preparation for childbirth. Additionally sixty-five percent of these prisons have deficient nutritional programs for mothers and young children.

Nine departments in Colombia have no women's prisons and women are locked in small cells with men. Conjugal visits, infant care, gynecological care and opportunities to work and study are denied to them. In Arauca, women are denied outdoor recreation.50

ARTICLE 5 - SEX ROLES AND STEREOTYPING

According to the Profamilia report, traditional sex roles and stereotyping persist in many spheres of society. School textbooks on every level continue to portray gender stereotypes, and mass media promote the traditional gender roles.51

ARTICLE 6 - PROSTITUTION AND TRAFFICKING

A study of female prostitutes in Bogotá demonstrated that women most often entered prostitution because of violence in the home Other reasons include poverty, lack of skills, and lack of other employment opportunities.52

ARTICLE 7 - POLITICAL AND PUBLIC LIFE

Despite women's gains in the 1998 parliamentary elections (an increase from 16 to 19 seats in the 167-seat of the House of Representatives, and an increase from 7 to 14 in the 102-seat Senate), women's participation in politics remains low. In addition, very few women in power incorporate gender issues in their public work since it is still a political risk in male-dominated politics. Women in politics also face stereotypical and sexist depiction in the mass media, which tend to comment on their "ability to seduce and call attention to their image" instead of other substantive capabilities.53

ARTICLE 11 - EMPLOYMENT

Although Art. 25 and Art. 26 of the Constitution protect the right to employment and guarantee the freedom to choose professions, women of all ages and males under 18 are prohibited from working underground in mining. Women are also prohibited from working in paint factories and any other job classified as dangerous, unhealthy, or which requires considerable physical strength. In addition, women regardless of age are not allowed to work at night in any industry, unless the business is owned by members of her family. These protectionist laws eliminate profitable employment opportunities for women. Although mining and other professions from which women are excluded are often described as rigorous and difficult, these work environments should be regulated to create safety, equal opportunity and equal protection for both men and women. Also, despite narrowing of the gap, there is still a thirty percent difference between the salaries of men and women.54

Under Colombian law there is still no legal recourse for women who are subjected to sexual harassment in the workplace.

ARTICLE 12 - HEALTH CARE AND SOCIAL BENEFITS

Abortion

Abortion has been common and is on the rise. Abortion rates in Colombia and the rates in 1967-1971 among 20 to 24-year old have increased eight-fold from the 1967-1971 rate. According to 1994 research results by the Universidad Externado de Colombia, at least one-third of Colombian women between 15 and 55 years old have had one induced abortion (this is considered to be a minimal estimate). Estimates indicate that four abortions are performed for every ten live births (women from 15 to 49 years of age).55

Abortion is still a criminal offense in Colombia, punishable by one to three years imprisonment for both the woman seeking the abortion and the practitioner who performs it. The law provides for no exceptions, even in instances of rape, to save the life of the mother, or to avoid serious and permanent damage to her health.56

In January 1997, Colombia's Constitutional Court upheld the imprisonment of women for abortion, even in cases of rape and incest. Abortion is the second cause of maternal mortality in Colombia according to Servicio Colombiano de Comunicación and Profamilia. The criminalization of abortion has a discriminatory effect on impoverished women: while women of higher socio-economic classes are able to obtain safe, though illegal, abortions, women of lower incomes are forced to seek dangerous backroom abortions. In addition, poor women are at a higher risk of pregnancy as a result of inadequate access to sex education and contraceptives. Although the Social Security system commits the government to the creation of special informational programs on reproductive health and family planning in less developed areas of the country, according to the information received from NGOs, these programs were suspended in 1997.57 Observers point out that in abortion cases, opinions of the court are often colored by Catholic religion arguments and cannot be said to be impartial.58

ARTICLE 15 - EQUALITY BEFORE THE LAW

According to studies undertaken by Universidad Nacional, women continue to suffer inequalities in the legal system. The majority of women who bring cases related to labor law lose them, while majority of men win theirs. In cases involving family law, such as custody and care of children, women win more often than men. In general, however, in non-family cases a woman is less likely to prevail than a man.59

ARTICLE 16 - MARRIAGE AND FAMILY LAW

Marriage Laws

Article 140 of Colombia's Civil Code states that the minimum age for marriage, with parental consent, is at least 14 years old for males and at least 12 years old for females. Articles 5 and 6 of Law 28 of 1932 state that a married woman below the age of 18 is denied legal self-representation and is to be represented by her husband.60

GENERAL RECOMMENDATION No. 19 (ARTICLES 2,5,11,12 AND 16) - VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN

Domestic Violence

The Constitution declares domestic violence to be destructive and subject to penalty. Law 294 of 1996 provides for programs to prevent and eliminate domestic violence. While the law represents a positive development, the practical effects have been negligible. NGOs report that violence and its consequences are the main cause of deaths of women 15-44 years old. They charge that the government has not followed through on its commitments to address the problem. According to Profamilia, this is a result of the lack of free or low-cost legal assistance, as well as the lack of government-sponsored shelters for battered women.61

Rape

Colombian law contains a narrow definition of rape which excludes sexual violence not involving penetration. It also provides different penalties for rape outside the marriage relationship (1-3 years imprisonment) and within marriage (6 months-2 years imprisonment). Since 1996, cases of conjugal rape can only be prosecuted at the request of the rape survivor. Education programs for rape prevention and services for the support of rape victims are apparently nonexistent.62

PREVIOUS REVIEW BY CEDAW:

Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Concluding Observations of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (31 May 1995) . The Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women considered Colombia's combined second and third periodic report (CEDAW/C/SR.250) on 31 January 1994.

Recommendations:

ACTIONS BY OTHER HUMAN RIGHTS TREATY BODIES PERTAINING TO WOMEN'S HUMAN RIGHTS:

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1 April 1998). The Human Rights Committee considered the fourth periodic report of Colombia (CCPR/C/103/Add.3 and HRI/CORE/1/Add.56) on 31 March and 1 April 1997.

Suggestions and Recommendations:

International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (12 December 1996). The Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights considered the third periodic report of Colombia on 21 and 22 November 1995, and on 6 December 1995.

Concluding Observations:

Subjects of Concern:

Suggestions and Recommendations:

 

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Endnotes:

2 Javier Giraldo S.J., Colombia: The Genocidal Democracy (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1996) 57. back

3 Colombia, unlike Argentina, Brazil, Chile and other countries in the region, avoided the horrors of era of the "Doctrine of National Security" dictatorships of the 1960s and 1970s, and has only had one brief period of the military rule ( 1953-1957). back

4 Renwick McLean, "EEUU duplica su ayuda a la 'nueva' Colombia de Pastrana," El Pais Internacional (Madrid), on-line, 29 October 1998. back

5 Laura Brooks, "Civilians are Chief Victims in Colombia War. Human Rights Group Blames Leftist Guerrillas and Rightist Paramilitary," Washington Post, on-line, 9 October 1998. back

6 Ibid. back

7 Noticias, The Latin American Program, Woodrow Wilson Center, Washington, DC (Fall 1998): 5. back

8 Amnesty International, Women in Colombia: Breaking the Silence (New York: Amnesty International, 1995), 1-3. back

9 Laura Brooks, "Civilians are Chief Victims in Colombia War. Human Rights Group Blames Leftist Guerrillas and Rightist Paramilitary." back

10 Amnesty International, Women in Colombia: Breaking the Silence , 6. back

11 Javier Giraldo S.J., 58. back

12 Ibid., 58. back

13 Bradley Graham, "US Hopeful About Colombia's Anti-Drug Efforts Under New Leader," Washington Post, on-line, 30 October 1998. back

14 Quoted in Javier Giraldo S.J., Colombia: The Genocidal Democracy, 80. back

15 Javier Giraldo S.J., 109-111. back

16 Human Rights Watch, Colombia's Killer Networks (Human Rights Watch, November 1996), on-line, available from: http://www.hrw.org, accessed on 1 November 1998. back

17 M.Á. Bastenier, "La paz sólo la haremos los que libramos la guerra," El Pais Internacional (Madrid), on-line, 16 October 1998. back

18 Diana Jean Schemo, "Colombian President's Accuser Handily Wins Presidency," New York Times, 22 June 1998, page A3. back

19 Philip Shenon, "US Expects Ties to Improve Under Colombia's New President," New York Times, 11 August 1998, on-line. back

20 Ibid. back

21 Bradley Graham, "US Hopeful About Colombia's Anti-Drug Efforts Under New Leader," Washington Post, on-line, 30 October 1998. back

22 Laura Brooks, "Colombian Army Move Called Peace Gesture," Washington Post, on-line, 16 October 1998. back

23 "Colombia Rebels Attack Remote Police Garrison," New York Times, on-line, 2 November 1998. back

24 Diana Jean Schemo, "Andres Pastrana: From 'Stool Pigeon' to Colombia's President," New York Times, 23 June 1998, on-line. back

25 Dennis M. Hanriatty and Sandra W. Meditz, eds., "Colombia: Internal Security Problems," in Colombia, a Country Study (Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, December 1988), on-line, available from: http://kweb2.loc.gov, accessed on 15 October 1998. back

26 Bradley Graham, "US Hopeful About Colombia's Anti-Drug Efforts Under New Leader." back

27 Eric Brazil, "Colombian Activist Points out Rights Crisis," San Francisco Examiner, 17 October 1998, Nexis, 20 November 1998. back

28 Jeremy McDermott, "Pounds 8m Cocaine Find on Military Plane," Daily Telegraph (London), 12 November 1998, back

29 Diana Jean Schemo, "Congress Steps Up Aid for Colombians to Combat Drugs," New York Times, on-line, 1 December 1998. back

30 Renwick McLean, "EEUU duplica su ayuda a la 'nueva' Colombia de Pastrana," El Pais Internacional (Madrid), on-line, 29 October 1998. back

31 Eric Brazil, "Colombian Activist Points out Rights Crisis." back

32 Diana Jean Schemo, "Congress Steps Up Aid for Colombians to Combat Drugs." back

33 Committee to Protect Journalists, Regional and Country Reports: Colombia, available from: http://www.cpj.org, accessed on 23 October 1998. back

34 Ibid. back

35 Ibid. back

36 Ibid. back

37 "Rights-Colombia: Colombians Win Major US Human Rights Award," Inter Press Service, 15 October 1998, on-line, Nexis, 2 November 1998. back

38 Paul Paz y Mino, "Victims of Colombia's Dirty War," Washington Times, 16 November 1998, Nexis, 20 November 1998. back

39 Ibid. back

40 Ibid. back

41 Javier Giraldo S.J., 48. back

42 "Colombia: Country Update," Economist Intelligence Unit, 6 October 1998, on-line, Nexis, 2 November 1998. back

43 James C. Cooper and Kathleen Madigan, with Suzanne Timmons, "Reform May Still Rescue this Economy," Business Week, 12 October 1998, on-line, Nexis, 1 November 1998. back

44 Jared Kotler, "Colombia Labor Chief Assassinated," Associated Press, 21 October 1998, on-line, Nexis, 2 November 1998. back

45 The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, 1998 Annual Survey of Violations of Trade Union Right: Colombia (Brussels: ICFTU, 1998): 46-51. back

46 Ibid., 46-51. back

47 "Colombia Declares Strike Illegal," New York Times, on-line, 9 October 1998. back

48 Abogadas del Servicio Jurídico de PROFAMILIA Red Nacional de Mujeres -- Regional Bogota, Preguntas Relacionadas Con el IV Informe de Colombia Al CEDAW (Bogota, 13 November 1998): 2. back

49 Amnesty International, Women in Colombia: Breaking the Silence , 3. back

50 Equality Now, United Nations Human Rights Committee: Colombia , 59th Session, March 1997 (New York: Equality Now, 1997). back

51 Abogadas del Servicio Jurídico de PROFAMILIA Red Nacional de Mujeres -- Regional Bogota. back

52 Harvey F. Kline, Colombia: Democracy Under Assault, 2nd ed. (Boulder: Westview Press), 18. back

53 "Casi Casi la Hora de las Mujeres," Mujer/Fempress no. 199 (Mayo 98): 16. back

54 Equality Now. back

55 "Half of All Colombian Pregnancies Unwanted," Women's Health Journal (3/97): 55. back

56 Equality Now. back

57 Equality Now. back

58 Carmen Posada, 56. back

59 "Mujeres Examinan Como Les Aplican La Ley," Mujer/Fempress (Abril 98): 16. back

60 Equality Now, United Nations Human Rights Committee: Colombia , 59th Session, March 1997 (New York: Equality Now, 1997). back

61 Ibid. back

62 Ibid. back

 

 

 

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