ARGENTINA
second report dated
8 June 1994
Mexican writer
Carlos Fuentes has called it an Argentine-Paradox: how could
so rich a nation with a huge middle class and the most homogeneous,
best-fed, best-dressed and best-educated people in Latin American
have proven so incapable for so long of creating a successful
nation? Early in this century Argentina was counted among the
ten richest nations in the world. Then began decades of military
coups and economic decline. Hyperinflation had impoverished
twenty percent of the population by 1989 when Carlos Saúl
Menem assumed the presidential office. Immediately Menem instituted
an emergency austerity programme. Argentina's "economic miracle,"
led by former Economy Minister Domingo Cavallo,1
reduced inflation from 4,900 percent in 1989 to just 1.6 percent
in 1995.2 Yet, the result
of Cavallo's economic austerity programme has been high unemployment
-- the highest rate in Latin America. And poverty has increased
more in Argentina than anywhere else in the region since the
end of 1994.3
Unemployment and
Labour Protests
According to a recent
report, high economic growth did not improve income distribution
in Argentina. For example, between 1992 and 1994, the country's
7.7 increase in GDP went to the richest ten percent of the society.4
As a result, many within Argentina who initially backed Menem's
austerity package have lost faith in his policies.5
Economists estimate that 700,000 jobs have been lost since Menem
came to power, mainly as a result of privatisations.6
At the same time, the government instituted tax increases and
cut social spending. Menem has angered many of the unions, such
as the Confederación General del Trabajo, the main union
federation, with decrees attacking labour. These actions have
in turn triggered widespread protests, including general strikes
in August and September 1996, and a 5-minute "black-out," with
twenty-two percent of homes turning off their lights and people
entering the streets beating pots and pans to protest government
economic policy.7 The two
general strikes brought the country to a near standstill, with
eighty to ninety percent of workers staying home. The September
strike was the largest union-backed demonstration in the past
twenty years in Argentina.8
The anger that gave
rise to these protests came in reaction to labour reforms which
the government has ordered, or in some cases threatened to order,
such as: reducing union control of health benefits; deregulating
hiring and firing; reducing severance pay; making it easier
for companies to lay off workers; increasing the work shift
from eight to 12 hours; and limiting the scope of collective-bargaining.
One former union leader stated that "[t]he only thing the workers
have left is the constitutional right to strike, but if the
government maintains its present posture, soon we probably won't
even have that."9
The legislative
process does not safeguard workers from government's proposed
changes, since many of them have been instituted through an
executive decree. Argentina emerged only a decade ago from a
brutally repressive dictatorship in which over 30,000 people
disappeared, and President Menem's inclination for ruling by
decree has not been reassuring. In September 1996, Menem threatened
that if Congress did not act quickly to pass his health care
proposal, he would have "little choice" but to enact the law
by decree.10 Menem did
exactly that on 7 October 1996, privatising Argentina's health
care.11 Menem has found
support for such measures from the IMF and foreign investors,
who find them vital to the success of economic reforms, including
the resolution of Argentina's debt crisis.
Menem has followed
his advisors and appears undaunted by the public outcry against
him. He has accused leftist groups of inciting the protests.
"They can have one or a thousand strikes, but this economic
model is not revocable and it is not up for negotiation," Menem
said following the second general strike in 1996. "We are going
to demonstrate that the one who gives the orders and governs
is the one who was elected by the people."12
Nonetheless, the President's popularity has plummeted to less
than twenty percent from eighty percent only two years ago.13
A Gallup poll in August 1996 indicated that eighty percent of
the people do not believe Menem is capable of solving their
country's problems.14
Corruption
One of the problems
Argentines worry about is corruption, which permeates all spheres
of society and all levels of government. In April 1997, several
judges in the Buenos Aires province launched a massive investigation
of ten thousand public officers, including mayors, city council
members, and police officers and their families suspected of
corrupt practices.15 The
legal system is considered one of the main offenders. The Argentine
Catholic Church recently attacked the courts, alleging corruption
and lack of independence, and warned that the situation posed
a serious threat to social cohesion.16
Police Brutality
Police violence
has been widely-discussed in Argentina. For many years, the
police have been accused of involvement in criminal acts ranging
from drug trafficking to prostitution. Several officers were
also indicted for involvement in the 1994 bomb attack on the
Jewish community centre which killed eighty-six people. Police
have also been criticised for a heavy-handed approach to the
riots which swept through several Argentine provinces in May
1997. As a result of police repression, at least a hundred people
were wounded.17 In April
of the same year, police killed an innocent passer-by, Teresa
Rodríguez, during an educators' strike in the small southern
locality of Cutral-Có. The killing began a wave of protests
across the country against police brutality.
Police corruption
and violence were manifest in the January 1997 murder of las
Noticias reporter, José Luis Cabezas. Cabezas was investigating
the crime wave run by corrupt officers of the Buenos Aires police
department. Although the investigation continues, several officers
have been implicated in the killing.18
In February 1996,
reports across Argentina condemned police for their violent
repression of a student protest in the city of La Plata, where
students were demonstrating against a controversial new education
law. Police used rubber bullets and tear gas, and indiscriminately
beat students and passers-by, in an attempt to disband the demonstrators.
Among those who found herself a target of this excessive force
was Hebe Bonafini, the leader of Las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo,
who was beaten on the head and body by police officers. "If
they could have, I believe they would have killed me," Bonafini
told reporters after the beating.19
The dean of La Plata University, Luis Lima, commented that the
violence brought back "memories of a past we do not want to
return to."20 According
to a study conducted by the Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales
(CELS), a research institution based in Buenos Aires, there
were a total of 165 civilian deaths at the hands of police officers
in 1995.21
According to CELS,
the main factors in police violence are their lack of training
and inadequate selection procedures for personnel. Inadequate
training especially hurts women victims of violence, when they
encounter officers who are not properly prepared to deal with
gender-based violence against women. Perhaps most worrisome,
police violence is perpetuated by a government that does not
effectively prosecute those who use excessive force. Groups
such as CELS, who have exposed these abuses and demanded a response
by authorities, have consistently seen exoneration in the form
of early retirement or department shifts, rather than prosecution.22
In April 1997, however, the Buenos Aires governor, Eduardo Duhalde,
in the first major police clean-up, has fired police officers
suspected of serious abuses. Duhalde acknowledged that citizen's
distrust of police has increased to the point that "when people
see a squad car at night, rather than feeling protected, they
feel fear."
Attacks Against
Journalists
Attacks against
journalists have been a disturbing indication of the human rights
situation in Argentina. In addition to the murder of photojournalist
José Luis Cabezas in January 1997, in February a radio
and television journalist Santo Biasatti and his family received
repeated anonymous death threats. There have been many attacks
in the past few years. In November 1993, Mario Bonino, who had
worked for the Buenos Aires Press Workers' Union, was found
dead. Amnesty International and other human rights organisations
documented over 120 cases of physical attacks, threats and harassment
involving journalists between 1992 and 1993.23
The Argentine police have been implicated in at least some of
these acts.
MEASURES TO ELIMINATE
DISCRIMINATION AND BASIC RIGHTS AND FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMS - Convention
Articles 2 and 3
Jails
More than one NGO
feels that the conditions in women's jails warrant mention in
this report. The lack of official data on detainees and their
alleged crimes does not encourage accountability from prison
administrators. Prisoners sometimes remain in jail for long
periods of time before their case goes to trial. Jails are inadequate,
without sufficient light, space, sanitation or privacy. The
prisons are filled to a level that is forty percent above capacity.
Detention centres for women contain punishment rooms where conditions
are reported to be unacceptable for living beings. Such cubicles
have thick doors, no ventilation, light or sanitation. People
in charge of jails are often untrained and retain a repressive
mentality, the legacy of years of dictatorship.
Incarcerated women,
especially those who serve time with their infant children,
live in extremely harsh conditions. The conditions are so extreme
that there have been riots in some women's prisons.24
During one of the most serious waves of prisoner protests in
March/April 1996, when thousands of inmates in five prisons
in the Buenos Aires province led a series of revolts and hunger
strikes, the inmates at women's prison Ezeiza, joined in the
protest, took hostages and put forward their own demands for
the improvement of their situation. In the same wave of protests,
fifty women inmates staged a solidarity hunger strike in a prison
in the city of La Plata.
VIOLENCE AGAINST
WOMEN - Convention Articles 3, 5, 6, 12, 15 and 16
Domestic Violence
According to IWRAW's
sources, sexual and family violence is part of the more generalised
and prevailing violence within Argentine society which has been
discussed in the introduction. In a study conducted between
1988 and 1995 by Lugar de Mujer, a large women's NGO based in
Buenos Aires, eighty-five percent of reported cases of violence
against women were perpetrated by the victim's husband or partner.25
In response to pervasive violence within the family unit, the
Argentine legislature passed the Family Violence Law in December
1994,26 criminalizing
physical or emotional abuse against spouses, children or live-in
companions. Those found guilty face a maximum sentence of one
month to one year of prison, or exclusion from the victim's
home, workplace or school for a precautionary forty-eight hours.27
Additionally, dependants of a convicted abuser are eligible
for financial support and counselling.28
However, IWRAW's
sources are concerned that the Family Violence Law has not accomplished
its purpose. An Argentine lawyer who has represented victims
of domestic abuse is quoted as saying that generally the perpetrator's
only punishment is exclusion from the home, and that domestic
abuse is only considered a delito leve, or "light crime," which
does not involve jail time.29
Thus, judges treat domestic abuse under the Family Violence
Law as a civil, rather than a criminal, offence. Women's organisations
point out that even the lightest penalty, exclusion of the perpetrator
from the home, is often bypassed by judges who believe that
the integrity of the family unit, as well as its economic survival,
supersedes the safety of the victim.30
In addition, given
the prevalence of police violence, women, who must turn to police
officers for protection, sometimes find themselves with no help,
or even worse, in a more precarious position than they were
in the first place. The U.S. State Department reports that the
Argentine police customarily do not follow up with an investigation
of such abuses. The overall insensitivity of the police toward
victims of domestic violence perpetuates the problem by discouraging
women from reporting violence.31
Moreover, women
may be deeply discouraged by fears of violence from the police
themselves. For instance, three policemen from the Entre Rios
province in eastern Argentina were arrested for abducting and
raping a twenty-three year old woman in 1995.32
Rape and Sexual
Abuse
Although statistics
reporting sexual abuse in Argentina are among the lowest in
the world, with 0.1 cases per 100,000 people,33
recent news reports have unveiled a grave problem of sexual
abuse against girls and women in the rural zones. IWRAW received
correspondence from a women's group in the rural province of
Neuquén claiming that rural girls and women are persistently
victimised, and particularly vulnerable, due to their relative
economic and political powerlessness. The group states that
gender discrimination creates a dangerous environment, because
girls and women lack access to the justice system, and their
fathers and brothers perpetuate abuse through their silent complicity.34
An example of pervasive
sexual abuse in the rural regions was reported in April 1996
in the newspaper, Rio Negro, which circulates in the Rio Negro
and Neuquén provinces. The article reported an accusation
against the administrator of the boarding school in Rio Negro,
Julio Vignau, for sexually abusing and raping female boarders
over the past fifteen years.35
The newspaper reported that the silence was finally broken when
some of the same women who were once victims of Vignau-- now
mothers themselves-- refused to send their children to the boarding
school. Reportedly, the abuse was tolerated by the community,
including doctors, nurses and social workers, who accepted that
women who became pregnant as a result of rape was nothing out
of the ordinary.36
PROSTITUTION AND
TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN - Convention Article 6
Sex Tourism
In March 1997, Buenos
Aires hosted the International Conference Concerning Crime Against
Children. Participants warned of increased sexual abuse against
minors, especially female, in Latin America because of increased
poverty and, at the same time, lack of specific government policies
against such abuses. Although the Argentine delegate, Adrian
Pelacchi, claimed that no extended networks of child prostitution
existed in his country, other delegates warned that sex tourism
had become a reality in parts of Argentina. Another Argentine
delegate reported that sex tourism existed in the border area
between Argentina, Brazil and Paraguay.37
POLITICAL AND PUBLIC
LIFE - Convention Articles 7 and 8
Ley de Cupo
The Ley de Cupo
(Quota Law) came into effect in 1993. This law obliges the political
parties and electoral alliances to include thirty percent of
women in their list of candidates to national and provincial
legislatures, as well as to town councils and other elected
bodies. As a result, seventy of the 257 legislators (27 percent)
elected in 1996 were women, compared with only fourteen (5 percent)
in 1991.38 According to
a recent article, at a time of growing disenchantment with discredited
and corrupt male politicians, political parties are starting
to put forward female candidates. For instance, the centre-left
Frepaso party has announced that Graciela Fernández Meijide
will lead its electoral ticket in the October 1997 legislative
elections. Two other parties, the Partido Justicialista (PJ)
and the opposition Unión Cívica Radical were also
considering nominating female candidates.39
In May 1997, Hilda "Chiche" Duhalde was nominated as the candidate
of the PJ Frente Partidario del Trabajo y la Producción.40
In general terms,
however, the three years in which the Quota Law has been in
effect have not directly translated into more support for women's
issues. Some women's NGOs have complained that women in Congress
have failed to speak up in support of legalising abortion and
for reproductive rights, such as access to safe and effective
contraceptives.41 One
explanation given for this lack of support is that many of the
women in Argentine politics have gained their positions through
being the wives, sisters, daughters or lovers of male political
leaders, thus serving as puppets for men's agendas.42
Furthermore, some
smaller parties are ignoring the Ley de Cupo, and most parties
overlook women when it comes to executive posts. Investigations
by political researchers indicate that only 12.8 percent, rather
than the requisite thirty percent, of the party candidate listings
have thus far been led by women.43
Women who do find themselves included in the party candidate
listings are usually running for low-ranking posts. They barely
made up 1.7 percent of candidates running for regional governor,
and only 12.8 percent of vice governor candidates in the most
recent elections. Several women's NGOs assert that it has been
very difficult to get parties to relinquish their traditionally
male candidates for women candidates as the office for which
the candidate is running increases in power and prestige.
EDUCATION - Convention
Article 10
The former Co-ordinator
of the National Programme for Women's Equal Opportunity in Education,
part of the Ministry of Education, related her concerns about
discrimination in education to IWRAW. During her tenure, the
Co-ordinator says that she initiated several reforms, including
a gender-inclusive curriculum reform, as well as introductory
gender training for educators.
This source says
that her initiatives met with great resistance from the Catholic
Church, due to her strong stand on gender issues and reproductive
rights. Among other things, the Church accused the Programme
of destroying the family by including issues such as homosexual
rights. Under much pressure from the Catholic Church, the Menem
Administration eliminated the National Programme for Women's
Equal Opportunity in Education a month before the Beijing Conference
on Women, in June 1995. Not only was the department eliminated,
but the government revoked significant advances which had been
made by overturning laws requiring gender equity in education.
According to the former Co-ordinator, the Government agreed
to eliminate this programme if the Catholic Church lightened
its criticism of the negative effects of the Government's economic
reforms on the poor.44
EMPLOYMENT - Convention
Article 11
Despite the fact
that women are disproportionately affected by the lack of jobs
in Argentina, the government has placed partial blame for high
unemployment on women. Former Minister Cavallo publicly blamed
women's "hurling" themselves into the work force for the high
unemployment rate, as well as for an increase in child delinquency.45
This same Minister also told a female member of the National
Council for Scientific and Technical Research (CONICET) to "go
wash the dishes." 46
Gender Discrimination
Women receive significantly
lower wages than their male counterparts for the same work.
According to the UNDP Human Development Report released in August
1995, female salaries are worth only 64.5 percent of male earnings
in Argentina-- one of the lowest proportions in Latin America.47
According to one expert, those who suffer the highest level
of wage discrimination are the most highly educated women. Among
professional scientists, for example, the average income for
a female is forty-three percent lower than the average income
for a male; among skilled technicians, women's salaries are
forty-seven percent lower than men's.48
Gender bias in employment
was studied by the Gender, Science and Technology Network, an
organisation created by Argentine women to study gender discrimination
in their fields and attempt to remedy it. The organisation discovered
that, although women generally finish their courses earlier
and receive higher grades than their male peers, they have a
more difficult time finding a job in their field. The Network
discovered that within Argentina's most important research organisation,
CONICET, men move up the ladder much faster than women, occupying
ninety-five percent of the top managerial positions.49
The 1994 Argentine
government report gives an elaborate account of programmes it
has developed with the assistance of the World Bank and the
Inter-American Development Bank aimed at the incorporation of
women into the labour force. According to a representative of
Fundación Para Estudio E Investigación de la Mujer
(FEIM), however, the bulk of these programmes do not promote
women's employment in non-traditional and better paid occupations
and will not result in an improvement of women's income levels.
Sources also draw attention to the worsening work conditions
for women, including longer working hours and a simultaneous
loss of social benefits. FEIM reports that in some cases employers
have refused to hire young women unless they guarantee that
they will not have children. For instance, some employers request
a certificate of sterilisation or evidence of the use of contraceptives.50
Informal Sector
According the government's
report, women constitute sixty percent of workers in the informal
sector, including occupations such as domestic workers or waitresses.
IWRAW received information in 1996 about the working conditions
of domestic workers from a network of domestic workers in a
small city. They state that the greatest obstacle to improving
their working conditions is the long-standing tradition of paying
domestic workers en negro, or, without receipts. The representatives
of this network claim that the Ministry of Labour is not concerned
with them and does not enforce the requirement that employers
provide receipts.
The members of the
syndicate are asking for government protection from exploitative
employers and from placement agencies that appropriate half
their salaries. According to a women's NGO in Mar del Plata,
the recently passed Ley de Empleo, enacted to help protect workers
from exploitation, does not afford any protection for domestic
workers, but rather marginalises them even more by excluding
them from the law.51
HEALTH CARE AND
FAMILY PLANNING - Convention Article 12
Access to Health
Care and Family Planning Services
According to FEIM,
the Argentine government has not complied with its obligations
under CEDAW in the area of reproductive rights. In a report
sent to IWRAW, FEIM criticised the lack of reproductive health
services in public hospitals, and the absence of both school
and community programmes dealing with sexuality and reproductive
issues, as well as the deterioration of gynaecological and obstetric
care at hospitals. FEIM alleges that the recent 300-million
dollar World Bank loan for health care reform is a "lost opportunity"
for women, since the planned reforms do not address primary
problems related to women's reproductive health.52
In order to meet
the IMF requirements for the second half of 1996, the government
ordered budget cuts, including social benefits and health care.53
In the rural areas, this has meant an abrupt shortage of contraceptives
in the health centres. Most poor and rural women have now lost
their only access to IUDs and birth control pills.54
Several women's NGOs have complained to IWRAW about the lack
of a comprehensive state policy in the area of family planning,
which has contributed to continued high abortion and maternal
death rates in Argentina.
Since 1987, there
has been a huge increase in HIV/AIDS incidence among women,
as much as three hundred percent.55
According to a recent press article, the government has failed
to provide necessary medication for these patients and, more
importantly, has done little to promote prevention.56
Elderly women will
also be forced to bear the brunt of the health care cutbacks.
In July, Health Secretary Julio Calcagno reported that the government
plans to cut as much as twenty-five percent of the budget for
PAMI, the state health agency for the elderly.57
Several NGOs articulated fears that these cuts will devastate
an already wounded health care system, especially impacting
poor women. Access to health care in general has been increasingly
difficult in the past few years because of the diminishing state
budget for health. Former Argentine Minister of Health and inspector
for the Pan-American Health Organisation, Aldo Neri, admitted
in an interview that Argentina's health care system is "in critical
condition."58
The middle and upper
classes obtain health and family planning services through private
doctors and clinics, while poor and rural women are dependent
upon state clinics which do not always provide even the most
basic services. Based on NGO information, there is no strong
national policy regarding family planning, which means that
local officials, who are heavily influenced by the Catholic
Church, determine it for themselves. For example, in the rural
provinces of Chaco and Cordoba, in the central interior and
north-eastern parts of Argentina, provincial laws which mandated
family planning services in public hospitals were vetoed by
their local governors.59
Additionally, reports suggest that it is not unusual for families
of hospital patients to have to care for their sick, buy medication
and other supplies out of their own pocket, and pay high prices
for services which are supposed to be free-of-charge.60
Maternal Mortality
Maternal morality
rates are high in Argentina-- 65.5 deaths per 100,000 pregnancies.61
Rates in northern Argentina are considerably higher, however,
ranging from 102 deaths per 100,000 pregnancies in the Jujuy
Province, to 128 in the Formosa Province.62
Abortion is the leading cause of maternal death, constituting
between thirty and fifty percent of maternal deaths, depending
on region and social class.
Sources say that
the Responsible Procreation Law has been stalled in Congress
under the influence of the Catholic Church.63
This bill, originally entitled the Ley de Salud Reproductiva,
or Reproductive Health Law,64
would require that all public hospitals and centres for primary
health carry all reversible contraceptive methods and information
regarding them.65 The
women's movement backed the bill from the start, but met great
resistance. The Minister of Justice testified before the Chamber
of Deputies that the Executive Branch refused to support the
bill. Opponents defended their position by claiming that the
IUD has abortion inducing properties, and that its use goes
against the "prevailing system of values."66
IWRAW's sources
have protested the prohibitive effect of the government's anti-abortion
stance on any plans to remedy this grave health problem for
women. However, abortion remains illegal in Argentina, despite
the success of women's NGOs in excluding an explicit constitutional
prohibition of abortions in 1994.67
There are more than 365,000 clandestine abortions in Argentina
each year, from which 100,000 women die yearly.68
Recent statistics on abortion-related mortality revealed an
even graver reality. According to the study reported in a periodical
la Nación last year, 38.5 percent of maternal deaths occur
as a result of abortions. According to Dr.Carlos Gurrucharri,
president of the Argentine Gynaecological Society, the majority
of women who come to the hospital with abortion-related problems
are adolescents as young as 14 years old. He blamed the lowering
of age of pregnant women on the difficult socio-economic situation
and a resulting "lack of adequate primary education." Meanwhile,
abortion has become a good business in Argentina, where it is
estimated to earn 150 million dollars per year (the price varies
from 300 to 1000 dollars per abortion).69
MARRIAGE AND FAMILY
LAW - Convention Article 16
Child Support Payments
One NGO believed
that the difficulty women encounter obtaining child support
warrants mention in this report. Despite legislation obliging
fathers to support their children, there are no penalties nor
sufficient legal resources to ensure that this obligation is
met.70
It is estimated
that seventy percent of fathers are not paying child support
in Argentina. The only recourse for women is to file a civil
action to claim payment, yet they are discouraged from doing
so by the legal fees, the case overload and the inefficiency
of the judicial system.71
Another roadblock for women, even after judgement in their favour,
is enforcing the judgement. In some cases, if the father has
a job, the judge orders a one time deduction from his salary,
which legally fulfils the judgement. If the father is unemployed
or has moved to another province, payment by these men is considered
legally "unrecoverable" due to the lack of resources to enforce
payment. Thus, with the current rate of unemployment in Argentina,
many women find themselves without any support from former spouses
or partners to care for their children.72
Endnotes:
1
Cavallo was fired by President Menem on 26 July 1996 and
replaced by Chicago-educated Roque Fernandez. back
2
"Argentina: Social Problems Increase as Economic Recovery
Lags," NotiSur-Latin American Political Affairs, 14 June 1996.
back
3
Eleonora Gosman, "Argentina: la Desocupación Más
Alta de América Latina-Informe de la CEPAL," Clarín
Digital (Buenos Aires), 8 April 1997. back
4
Ibid. back
5
Marcela Valente, "Argentina-Labor: Hyperunemployment,"
Inter Press Service, 8 October 1996. back
6
Ibid. back
7
"Argentina Opposition Holds Power Blackout: Strong Support,"
Dow Jones Telerate Energy Service, 13 September 1996. back
8
"Argentina: Strike Demonstrates Massive Opposition to Government's
Economic Policies," NotiSur-Latin American Political Affairs,
4 October 1996. back
9
Ibid. back
10
"Argentina's Menem Seeking to Weaken Labor Unions," Capital
Markets Report, 26 September 1996. back
11
Michelle Wallin, "Argentina's Menem Announces Health-Care
Reform," Emerging Market Reports, 8 October 1996. back
12
"Argentina: Strike Demonstrates Massive Opposition to Government's
Economic Policies." back
13
Carlos Gervasoni, telephone interview with IWRAW, 2 May
1997. back
14
"Argentina: Strike Demonstrates Massive Opposition to Government's
Economic Policies." back
15
"Investigados por Corrupción en Argentina 3,000 Funcionarios
y Otros 7,000 Familiares Suyos," El País International
Digital, 22 April 1997. back
16
"Argentine Church Attacks Country's Legal System," Reuters,
26 April 1997. back
17
Stephen Brown, "Argentina Police and Jobless Clash Again
in Jujuy," Reuter, 23 May 1997. back
18
Stephen Brown, "Informer Blames Ex-Cop for Argentine Newsman
Murder," Reuters, 11 April 1997. back
19
Calvin Sims, "Argentine Activist Hurting Her Cause," New
York Times, 10 March 1996. back
20
"Argentina: Police Response Chills Nation," Latinamerica
Press, 29 February 1996. back
21
La Violencia Political en Capital Federal y Gran Buenos
Aires - Argentina (Buenos Aires: Centro de Estudios Legales
y Sociales, 1995). back
22
Ibid. back
23
"Argentina: Alarm at Renewed Wave of Attacks Against Journalists,"
Amnesty International News Release, 18 February 1997. back
24
Gloria Barberis, Centro de Apoyo a la Mujer Maltrada (CAMM),
Mar del Plata, letter to IWRAW, 7 June 1996. back
25
Lucrecia Oller, Para Que Ningun Ser Humano Sea Golpeado
(Buenos Aires: Lugar de Mujer, 1995), 52. back
26
Ibid., 35. back
27
Ibid., 85-88. back
28
"Beaten, But Not Down," Latinamerica Press, 22 June 1996.
back
29
Ana Maria Amado, "Menos Impunidad para la Violencia," Mujer/Fempress,
May 1996. back
30
Oller, 38. back
31
U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights,
and Labor, Argentina Country Report on Human Rights Practices
for 1995 (Washington, D.C.:U.S. Department of State, 1996).
back
32
Ibid. back
33
Alan Morris, "South Africa: Rape Spiralling Out of Control,"
Inter Press Service, 25 February 1997, online, Nexis, 10 April
1997. back
34
Andrea Diaz, Mujeres por el Derecho a Elegir, Neuquen,
Argentina, letter to IWRAW, 26 April 1996. back
35
"Tras 15 Años Enfrentaron el Dolor que Vivieron sus
Hijos," Rio Negro [Neuquen, Argentina], 21 April 1995, 22.
back
36
Andrea Diaz, Mujeres por el Derecho a Elegir. back
37
Marcela Valente, "El Turismo Sexual Crece Hacia la Region,"
Inter Press Service, 21 March 1997. back
38
"Argentina:Dictatorship Pushed Women into Public Eye,"
Inter Press Service, 23 March 1996. back
39
Marcela Valente, "Women Save the Day for Political Parties,"
Inter Press Service, 4 April 1997. back
40
Rodolfo Lara, "Duhalde Confirmó la Candidatura de
Chiche," Clarín Digital, 6 May 1997. back
41
Marcela Valente, "Argentina-Women: A Victory for Women?"
Inter Press Service, 10 May 1996. back
42
Ibid. back
43
Ibid. back
44
Gloria Bonder, interview with IWRAW, 13 August 1996.
back
45
Ana Maria Amado, "El Neo Papismo de Menem," Mujer/Fempress,
September 1995. back
46
"Science Gender Bias," Latinamerica Press, 15 February
1996, 6. back
47
"Argentina--Women: Women Suffer Elusive Ghosts of Discrimination,"
Inter Press Service, 17 August 1995. back
48
Gloria Bonder, "Women's Studies in Argentina:Keeping the
Feminist Spirit Alive," Women's Studies Quarterly 3&4 (1994):90.
back
49
"Science Gender Bias." back
50
Mabel Bianco, Fundación Para Estudio E Investigación
de la Mujer, Comentarios del Informe de la República Argentina
1993-1996 (26 May 1997, typewritten). back
51
Gloria Barberis, CAMM back
52
Mabel Bianco, FEIM. back
53
"Argentina's Cavallo-3: Cuts Benefits, Tax Exemptions,"
Emerging Market Reports, 12 July 1996. back
54
Andrea Diaz, Mujeres por el Derecho a Elegir. back
55
"Las Prepagas No Darían Su Brazo a Torce por la Cobertura
del SIDA," La Nación On Line (Buenos Aires), 26 March 1997.
back
56
Marta García Terán, " El SIDA Creció Más
Entre Mujeres y Niños," La Nación On Line (Buenos
Aires), 30 November 1996. back
57
"Argentina Eyes Cuts at Retiree Health System: Report,"
Dow Jones International News, 24 July 1996. back
58
"Health: Medical Crisis in Argentina." back
59
Monica Cogna, Centro de Estudios de Estado y Sociedad (CEDES),
letter to IWRAW, 16 March 1996. back
60
"Health: Medical Crisis in Argentina" Inter Press Service,
5 June 1996. back
61
Andrea Diaz, Mujeres por el Derecho a Elegir. back
62
El Foro por los Derechos Reproductivos: Buenos Aires, May
1996. back
63
Gloria Barberis, CAMM. back
64
The name of the bill was reportedly changed in order to
avoid any speculation internationally that it would inlcude
abortion (which is illegal in Argentina) as a family planning
option. back
65
Ana Maria Amado, "Anticonceptivos en Regla," Mujer/Fempress,
September 1995. back
66
"Argentina: Brief Account of a Long History and Great Triumph,"
Women's Health Journal (March 1995): 38. back
67
Marcela Valente, "Argentina-Women: A Victory for Women?"
back
68
Oller, 19. back
69
Alejandra Florit, "Cifras Alarmantes en la Argentina -
Hay un Aborto por Cada Dos Nascimientos," La Nación On
Line (Buenos Aires), 22 July 1996. back
70
Andrea Diaz, Mujeres por el Derecho a Elegir. back
71
Ibid. back
72
Ibid. back
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