NAMIBIA
First report dated
10 February, 1997
The US Department of Commerce, in its 1997 Country Commercial
Guide, considers Namibia "a good candidate for investment and
future growth." Citing, among other things, the government's
record of fiscal discipline, its commitment to an open market
economy, excellent infrastructure and the deep water port of
Walvis Bay, the Guide notes that, despite its limitations, "Namibia
is well-positioned to become a gateway for foreign firms hoping
to enter the growing regional market of Southern Africa."1
Unfortunately, while Namibia's natural resources -- diamonds,
uranium, natural gas and oil, rich south Atlantic fishing grounds
and rare ecosystems -- have made it possible for international
capital to realise vast profits, nearly half of the existing
workforce is unemployed.2
At independence in 1990, the new SWAPO (South West Africa
People's Organisation) government faced some difficult policy
decisions. Its major natural resources did not promise greatly
expanded employment opportunities, nor did the other productive
sectors. Local manufacturing, which was almost completely undeveloped
at independence, would not provide any quick solutions. Although
the government has made diversification of the economy one of
the centrepieces of its development strategy, about eighty-five
percent of the country's imported goods still come from South
Africa.3 Although nearly
seventy percent of the population, either directly or indirectly,
depends on subsistence farming, Namibia has relatively little
arable land and is highly susceptible to drought, so there is
only modest potential for increased employment in agriculture.
Given these limitations, the SWAPO government has adopted
policies that would encourage outside investment. It has been
very conservative in its economic policies, including the very
pressing issue of land reform.4
The best agricultural land is still in the hands of a small
(4,500 by one estimate)5
group of mainly white farmers, despite the fact that Namibia,
along with South Africa and Zimbabwe, share the distinction
of having the worst disparities in land ownership in southern
Africa.6
Thus, while Namibia has impressed the world as a "market-oriented
democracy" and a "model of peaceful transition in Africa,"7
change has been very slow for the impoverished majority of the
population. Although annual GDP growth since independence has
exceeded the country's 3.5 percent annual population increase,
the rural poor, who are the bulk of the population, remain poor,
and income disparities between them and the mainly urban white
minority and black professional class are thought to have widened
since independence.8
Clearly, the prevailing economic argument holds that global
conditions preclude the government from adopting a more generous,
social welfare approach. Nonetheless, extremes of inequality
brought about by colonial exploitation and apartheid social
engineering persist in Namibia, and could threaten the stability
of the new state. In 1995 there were demonstrations on the streets
of Windhoek by unemployed ex-combatants, who complained that
the government had done nothing since independence to help them
find employment and reintegrate into the society. While these
demonstrations did not pose a threat to national security, they
are one suggestion that the overwhelming support SWAPO enjoyed
at independence among most constituencies may be eroding.
Export Processing Zones (EPZs)
Currently the central coastal region of Namibia is being developed
as an economic growth point, with Walvis Bay as the principle
location for an EPZ. The EPZ Act passed in April 1995 provides
significant incentives to investors. The government initially
proposed that EPZs be exempted from the provisions of the country's
labour laws, but the trade unions opposed this, and in early
1996 it accepted a compromise in which both strikes and employee
lockouts are banned, but other labour regulations apply. An
initial seven projects were granted EPZ status at the beginning
of 1996.9
During his recent visit to Namibia in February 1997, US Vice
President Al Gore discussed opportunities for US companies to
invest in Namibia's new EPZs.10
There is concern by the ILO, some SADC (Southern Africa Development
Community) officials and others that SADC countries, such as
Namibia, may join "the EPZ rush" in the expectation of great
gains, only to sacrifice achieving trade integration in southern
Africa -- which would mean greater long-term benefits to a wider
cross-section of the country's population -- and at the same
time, in its attempts to attract foreign investors, end up sacrificing
the development of a better-paid, more skilled workforce. (Women
worldwide have formed the majority of the lowest paid workers
in the EPZs.11 ) The most
significant investment in Namibia's EPZ occurred very recently
with the opening of a German-owned manufacturing plant. EPZ
policy is said to be central to Namibia's 1996-2000 National
Development Plan.12
SWAPO
After thirty years of liberation struggle, at independence
the new SWAPO government enjoyed a political and moral ascendancy,
all the greater because South Africa was still in the hands
of the white supremacist government that had administered the
former South West Africa as a colony. However, political analysts
and others agree that the inner politics of SWAPO's liberation
movement have always been hierarchical and authoritarian, and
that "some of the same arrogance of power that scarred the liberation
movement during the independence struggle remains, and hovers
on the edge of the Namibian polity."13
The Journalists Association of Namibia expressed concern recently
at the increasing intolerance of government officials toward
freedom of expression, including calls for restricting this
right and for attacks on the integrity of journalists.14
Namibia has thus far been known for its diverse and opinionated
press which freely criticises the government. Recent verbal
attacks on homosexuals by President Nujoma, and seconded by
others in SWAPO, have been decried by NGOs as another indication
that SWAPO's "arrogance of power" may pose a threat to Namibia's
rapidly growing civil society.
Another worrisome example of what some go so far as to call
"an insidious....strategy" is President Nujoma's stated intention
to stand for a third term as President, despite the fact that
Namibia's Constitution, adopted at independence by national
consensus, specifies that a president may hold office for only
two five year terms. A SWAPO council called on President Nujoma
in March 1997 to serve as president "as long as he was medically
fit." Africa News reports that the SWAPO congress later in 1997
is expected to endorse this proposal, making it possible for
the party to use its parliamentary majority to push through
a constitutional amendment. The possibility of yet another "president
for life" in the region has alarmed the political opposition
and Western diplomats.15
Nujoma's announcement was apparently made without consulting
other leading figures in SWAPO. Observers say that despite the
concerns of some SWAPO leaders, they may be constrained to go
along with the proposed constitutional change, in order to avoid
a fight over the succession. There is also concern to avoid
reviving ethnic tensions within the party that have been, sometimes
with difficulty, kept under control.16
[The following brief report was written by the Sister Namibia
Collective and then passed around to a number of women from
other Namibian NGOs, whose comments were included. IWRAW has
edited only for clarity.]
By and large we are subscribing to the Namibian Government
report as submitted for consideration to the CEDAW Committee.
The government report was drafted with great care and detail
by a local NGO, the Legal Assistance Centre (LAC), subcontracted
by the Department of Women's Affairs and was later workshopped
with a good number of NGOs. What is lacking is the ongoing monitoring
of progress made concerning CEDAW by local NGOs. No one NGO
can do this task in all the areas concerned. Also, there is
a lack of resources to do this kind of work continuously. Nevertheless,
we feel that our views on the situation of women in the country
were considered in the drafting of the report.
However, there have been new developments since the writing
of this report which we briefly wish to outline.
- Homosexuality
has become a topic in public debate in Namibia since the President's
anti-gay remarks at a congress of the SWAPO Women's Council
in December 1996. He denied democratic rights to Namibian
gays and lesbians, claiming that they were "exploiting our
democracy" and have a bad influence on our children. Therefore,
they have to be condemned and rejected in our society. His
remarks were later supported by State House and the spokesperson
of SWAPO. The attacks came despite the fact that discrimination
is prohibited in the Constitution and that in the Labour Code
reference is made specifically to non-discrimination as regards
sexual orientation. As a result, many homosexuals fear for
their democratic rights and have decided to form an alliance,
together with family members, friends and those concerned
about the general democratic climate in the country. Sister
Namibia Collective has initiated and supported much of its
activities since. The organisation in its mission statement
commits itself, among other things, to the elimination of
homophobia as one issue that divides women.
President Nujoma has renewed his attack on gays and lesbians,
warning them to refrain from imposing homosexuality on wider
society, during the recent opening of a SWAPO Youth League
Congress.
- After lengthy
preparations and nationwide hearings, the Married Persons
Equality Act was enacted in July 1996. It abolishes marital
power [sic], gives equal property rights to women married
in community of property, equal guardianship over children
to both parents and provides for independent domicile of spouses.
Although this is an important improvement, it seems to
have positive effects mainly for women in marriages which
are economically better off, where there is a bank account
and property to share. Many women even from urban areas
are not yet aware of their new rights, and some of those
who are, feel that nothing is going to improve for them
if their husbands don't want it. Even the police are unsure
of what is now illegal, and in how far they can assist women
if the husband removes 'his part' of the joint estate. So
far there has been no court case that has interpreted the
Act in a questionable case. All this illustrates the problem
that one cannot merely legislate changes in attitude. They
need to be addressed in more than one way, particularly
through education.
- In the area of
women's access to and control over land, developments right
after independence looked promising. Since the 1991 National
Land Conference, several resolutions were passed to treat
women equally in the process of land reform. The Married Persons
Equality Act opened up new ways for women married under Civil
Law to own land. Equality is one of the fundamental principles
of the outline for a National Land Policy released in May
1996. According to this policy, women have the same status
as men with regard to all forms of land rights, be it as individuals
or family members. It also states that every widow or widower
can keep the land rights he or she had while the spouse was
alive. Special attention is paid to the representation of
women and other underprivileged groups on regional and local
land boards.
Then, in September last year, the Ministry of Lands, Resettlement
and Rehabilitation released a draft Communal Land Bill which
does not have any reference to gender or special provisions
for women. Contrary to the Land Policy, the Bill limits
land boards to one per region. Looking at the highly insufficient
representation of women on other regional bodies, it is
clear how little women will be able to influence land distribution
done by regional land boards.
- The struggle
against violence against women had several highlights in the
past year. A multi-media campaign to address the issue was
launched and is coordinated by the Ministry of Information
and Broadcasting. A number of NGOs participated with specific
activities for which they received financial assistance from
the American Embassy. Among others, educational materials
were developed as well as regional workshops, exhibitions
and self-defence coursed organised.
The Law Reform and Development Commission held countrywide
hearings where evidence was heard from survivors of violence,
family members and friends, nurses and social workers, counsellors
and the police. Attitudes of communities, police and courts
came under scrutiny. The aim of this project is to raise
awareness of the problems in communities, activate them
and initiate law reform in this area.
The beginning of 1996 saw women increasingly criticise
the work of the Women and Child Abuse Centres of the police.
An NGO working with battered women complained of problems
with referrals as well as about the unsympathetic treatment
of survivors. A woman police inspector from England was
here as an adviser to the police on the work of the centres.
In 1994 she identified grave shortcomings and made recommendations.
On her return two years later, nothing had improved in terms
of structure, staffing, training and motivation; a sign
that little priority had been given to the issue.
- Another effort
to liberalise pre-independence laws and bring them in line
with the Namibian Constitution is the 1996 draft Abortion
and Sterilisation Bill which was released by the Ministry
of Health and Social Services in June last year. If passed,
the restrictions on abortion of the old South African law
will be replaced with abortion on demand during the first
twelve weeks of pregnancy. The public had two months to submit
comments on the draft bill to the Ministry. And this was the
last that was heard of it. Last November a Pro-Choice Alliance
was formed by individuals and organisations supporting the
draft bill. Shortly afterwards, there was a cabinet reshuffle
which also affected the Ministry of Health. When approaching
the new Minister concerning progress on the bill, the Alliance
was told that the Minister was still familiarising herself
with her new portfolio and would only be able to pay attention
to the Abortion Bill during the second half of 1997. This
indicates that the Bill is not a priority at this point in
time. In the meantime, women are resorting to neighbouring
South Africa, where a new progressive law is in place. Some
South African government facilities, as well as four Marie
Stopes Clinics, provide abortion services, the latter for
a fee of about N$600 (approximately US$130). The places abortion
again out of reach for poor women.
- The Department
of Women's Affairs (DWA) in the Office of the President was
also affected by the cabinet reshuffle. The former Deputy
Minister of Foreign Affairs became the new Director General
of an upgraded DWA. The Director General has a ministerial
rank and a seat in Parliament. The placing of regional gender
officers is in the pipeline.
In the past the Department rendered financial support
to about 170 women's projects throughout the country, but
without having the capacity to monitor progress. An evaluation
of women's projects was done in 1996. This year, however,
the Department has received no money for projects. Other
concepts for providing funding for smaller projects like
the Women in Development Trust Fund (referred to in the
government report, Part 1, page 8) are still not operational.
- A positive development
in the area of women in decision-making was the appointment
of the first woman in the post of Ombudsperson in December
1996. She intends to restructure the operations in her office
to ensure that those who were disadvantaged would not only
find a forum for complaints against public officials, but
also a source of redress in terms of the Constitution. With
this it is expected that more women will seek assistance from
the Ombudsman's office (as it is still officially called.)
- 1996 saw the
establishment of a caucus of women parliamentarians which
is now seeking contact with local NGOs and women's organisations
in particular. Women MPs promised to supply legal expertise
for women who want to introduce their own private persons
bills. A suggestion box was also established. If this communication
channel is being used effectively, it can lead to an effective
representation of women's views and needs in Parliament.
- The NGO Preparatory
Committee which was established for the Beijing Conference
is currently preparing for the implementation of an Affirmative
Action Project for the Girl Child. The project aims to prepare
young women to take over the leadership of the women's movement
in Namibia and to reduce the discrepancy between men and women
in key positions in the country.
Endnotes:
1
Country Commercial Guide -- Namibia, Fiscal year 1997, US
Department of Commerce, on-line. back
2
Namibia's Liberation Struggle: The Two-Edged Sword, Colin
Leys and John S. Saul, James Curry, London, 1995. back
3
U.S. Department of Commerce back
4
Leys and Saul back
5
Africa Review, World of Information, Quest Economics Digest,
Janet Matthews Information Services, February 1997, on-line.
back
6
InterPress Service, 22 April, 1997, on-line. back
7
Leys and Saul. back
8
Quest Economics Digest. back
9
Quest Economics Digest. back
10
BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, BBC, 17 February, 1997,
on-line. back
11
"EPZs Versus Integration," Gumisai Mutume, Inter Press
Service, 19 July, 1996, on-line. back
12
"Namibia Export Zone Programme Moves Forward," Johannes
Dell, Reuters Financial Service, Reuters Ltd., 25 November,
1996. back
13
Leys and Saul, pg. 203. back
14
"Journalists Express Concern At Government; Intolerance,"
Media Institute of Southern Africa, Africa News, Africa News
Service, Inc., 13 May, 1997, on-line. back
15
Africa News, Africa News Service, Inc., 11 April, 1997,
on-line. back
16
Africa News. back
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