[Editor's note: no
copies of the Slovenian Government Report to CEDAW were available
while this report was being researched and written.]
A young constitutional republic, Slovenia became independent
from Yugoslavia only five years ago. It has been in the throes
of becoming a nation and forming its own economy, while at the
same time experiencing the double shock of making the transition
from a socialist to a market economy. The consequences of these
changes for women are still far from clear. Recession, restructuring,
including privatisation, the collapse of trade with the states
of the former Yugoslavia, and the influx of refugees from Croatia,
Bosnia and Herzegovina are some of the challenges the country
has been facing. However, bordered by Italy, Hungary and Austria,
as well as by Croatia, Slovenia was the most economically developed
of the republics, with the highest living standard and very
active foreign trade. Its relationship with the industrialised
countries of Europe began forming many years before independence.
It also had the advantage of being the most homogenous of the
former republics. While Yugoslavia had four major languages,
three main religions and many ethnic groups, ninety percent
of Slovenia's two million inhabitants are ethnic Slovene and
Roman Catholic.
Commentaries refer to 1989 as the year of the "Slovene Spring,"
the period when the independence movement clearly emerged in
Slovenia, catalysed by the trial for espionage and treason of
four Slovenian journalists by a Yugoslav military tribunal.
Conducted in relative secrecy, and in Serbo-Croation rather
than in the indigenous Slovenian language, the affair sparked
further action against the Yugoslav Federation and resistance
to the threat of Serbian dominance. Throughout this period the
Slovenian press was open as well as outspoken, and kept the
public informed, not only of the progress of the tribunal, but
of Slovenia's disproportionate economic contribution (eight
percent of the population generating almost thirty percent of
the revenue) to the Yugoslav Federation. This time of political
agitation includes the development of activist social minorities
- including environmentalist and women's groups - and of burgeoning
national support for their demands.
Over eighty-eight percent of the Slovenian electorate voted
for independence in December 1990. In June of 1991, the Yugoslav
army attempted to re-establish control over the republic, hoping
that a show of force would intimidate Slovenia (and Croatia
as well, which had also declared its independence) and act as
a warning to other republics thinking of secession. However,
Slovene troops thwarted their efforts, and after ten days of
fighting, won its independence. At independence there were barely
more than two million inhabitants. It is a country of small
cities, with a population almost evenly divided between rural
and urban.
The European Union is already Slovenia's main trading partner
- now accounting for about seventy percent of its total foreign
trade.1 International trade
and foreign policy is geared towards Western Europe, particularly
Italy and the former Yugoslavia. Slovenia now has official EU
associate membership. It is outperforming other Central and
Eastern European candidates, and if current rates continue,
could also pass EU members Greece and Portugal in economic growth
in four or five years. A founding member of the World Trade
Organisation, Slovenia has an international credit rating of
A. It is being considered for membership in NATO, which it sees
as a guarantee of its sovereignty and independence.
Refugees
Due to continuing conflict in the region, there has been a
large influx of Croatian and Bosnian refugees into Slovenia.
Sources say that the situation of the refugees is precarious,
and that very little is being done to help defuse the resentment
they generate. In general, Slovenes feel that their country
cannot afford to maintain the refugees, that the relative strength
of the Slovene economy can only remain so if it does not have
to support more than country's own small population. It does
not help that the refugee population has a higher birth rate
than the indigenous Slovenes. Additionally, the homogeneity
of the Slovene people is perceived as an important mainstay
against ethnic conflict and as an important source of 'nationhood.'
2
Information sent by one source concerned the psycho-social
effects of refugee status on women. Not surprisingly, isolation,
loneliness, poverty, and exhaustion were common among the refugees,
and women were at increased risk for psychological distress
due to their vulnerability. This source hypothesised that the
stress felt by refugees would only increase as Slovenian nationalism
rose, and as attitudes towards refugees hardened.
SEX ROLES AND STEREOTYPING - Article 5
A recent article about Slovenian women discusses the problem
women in post-socialist countries have with being "antipolitical."
While the socialist vision was a shortcut to equality that did
not change the division of labour in the family, equal opportunity
politics in the Western democracies does nothing to change it
either. The article notes that women's aversion to politics
under both systems is "predicated on 'not having time' or 'having
to work' [and] reveals that the core of the question is how
to change partner relationships, family conditions, and daily
life, and not how to build huge social facilities to 'solve'
the problem of housework."3
As the Slovenian 1993 Preliminary Report to CEDAW,4
confirms in its commentary on Article 5, Slovenian women still
perform the majority of household tasks. This sexual division
of labour, combined with the very high full-time employment
rate of women, means that women commonly work a double shift
- one at work followed by another at home. The report adds that
"work at home within the family has lost its economic value
and price and is not even regarded as 'proper work.' "5
Despite this double burden, comparative research done by a
team of Slovenian and US sociologists indicates that Slovenian
women tend to be very liberal in their gender role attitudes
and very career-oriented. The authors found that women were
less traditional in their career aspirations than men.6
One source mentioned that during informal interviews, Slovenian
women expressed a preference for employment even when presented
with hypothetical situations in which they would not have to
work.
Advertising, Pornography and stereotypes
Despite some very positive developments concerning women in
the new state structure, "a new attitude that is not very 'woman-friendly'
is developing in the public space. This is partly due to the
rise in blatant sexism, and partly due to the very raw economic
liberalisation, which relies on mass advertising with its stereotypes."7
One Slovenian activist noted that before independence there
were restrictions against public pornography, but now there
are none. After independence, the legislature was apparently
not prepared to respond to the flood of pornography and pornographic
advertisements from Europe.
PROSTITUTION AND TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN - Article 6
The Constitution of Slovenia does not explicitly refer to
the prevention of all forms of trafficking in women. However,
the Penal Code defines several actions which constitute trading
in slaves, and the law sanctions such acts with one to ten years'
imprisonment. If such an act is perpetrated against a juvenile,
the penalty increases to a minimum of five years' imprisonment.
There are similar sanctions concerning the exploitation of prostitution.
The Slovenian 1993 Preliminary Government Report to CEDAW says
that from 1989 to 1992, official records showed only ten victim
reports of the crime of soliciting for prostitution. The report
goes on to note that this statistic is a rather unlikely reflection
of the actual situation, given the prevalence of advertisements
for sexual services in newspapers and magazines, as well as
the numbers of massage salons and night-clubs featuring "Eastern
European artistes."8 One
source says that there are usually many more arrests of individual
women for prostitution than of those who solicit for prostitutes.
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN - Articles 3, 5, 6, 12, 15 and 16
In 1993, the Office for Women's Politics organised an open
round table in an attempt to deal with the issue of violence
against women, and this effort continues. Violence against women
is the focus of activity for many Slovenian NGOs. The number
of women reporting domestic and sexual violence has increased
in the last few years as SOS lines and shelters have become
more publicised.
As elsewhere, it is very difficult to ascertain the extent
and severity of violence against women in the family because
women often hesitate to report assaults to the police for fear
of social censure or retribution. This difficulty is compounded
by the legal system itself, since incidents of violence in the
home, either between spouses or other family members, are most
frequently classified as violations of the statute concerning
Disturbing the Peace. Violations of this kind usually incur
very minor penalties. However, women's groups have been wary
of trying to increase the penalties for domestic violence, as
there is no counselling for perpetrators and, if they are incarcerated
without some form of counselling or other mental health treatment,
the groups fear that their violent behaviour will only increase
once they are released.
In Slovenia, frequently both parties involved in domestic
violence are fined if the police are called, regardless of who
was the instigator, making statistical accuracy even more difficult,
and also serving to dissuade victims from calling the police.
There is disagreement concerning the role played by the police
in these cases. According to the US State Department Country
Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1995, spousal violence
is a known problem and the police are "not reluctant" to intervene.
This is contradicted by a source in Slovenia who works with
battered women who said that in her experience, the police do
not intervene in situations of domestic violence unless the
SOS line calls them to do so. In other words, if the victim
herself notifies the police, it is unlikely they will intervene,
but if the SOS line calls, the police will go to the home. The
government Centres on Social Work in each region, which are
specifically set up to deal with social problems, do not include
domestic violence against adult women among their responsibilities.
POLITICAL AND PUBLIC LIFE - Article 7
Throughout the 1980s and into the 1990s, women have been participating
actively in feminist, ecological and social movements and have
grown accustomed to the process of networking and organising
themselves independently of political parties. This was part
of the distinct evolution away from the 'state feminism' orchestrated
by the Communist Party in earlier years. While women in Slovenia
are not characteristically passive or indifferent to politics,
they are under-represented in formal politics, where women's
issues are relatively absent. The socialist era concept of "the
worker," has been replaced by the concept of the "Slovene Nation,"
but women remain subsumed within the latter as they were in
the former.
A consistent criticism voiced by Slovene activists is that
women are recognised basically in their reproductive role as
mothers.9 Several sources
expressed concern that the construction of women as mothers,
both in the Constitution and in the rhetoric of Slovene politics,
combined with a national concern over the low birth rate of
indigenous Slovenians, could build to a more overt pressure
to "redomesticate women" in other words, restrict women's participation
in political and public life.10
The current "maternalistic" rhetoric is vociferously articulated
by the Christian Democratic Party. A possible referendum on
mandatory three-year pregnancy leave for all women is of great
concern, as is the possibility that in the upcoming November
1996 elections, the Christian Democrats could gain either the
Ministry of Social Work or Education. Both ministries oversee
areas of immediate concern to women, and the social conservatism
of the Christian Democrats is seen as a direct threat to women's
interests.
The Office for Women's Politics
IWRAW sources were ambivalent about the role of the government
Office for Women's Politics, established in July of 1992. While
it is important and visible evidence of government's commitment
to women, one source described it as without much influence
and said that its existence lulled the public into believing
that women were adequately represented within government. She
noted that officials of the Office for Women's Politics were
far more likely to place the priorities of their respective
political parties above the priorities of women's non-governmental
organisations. The government officials will do what is "effective
for their careers, not necessarily what is effective for women."
For example, women's NGOs supported the Communist party's idea
of reinstating quotas for the number of women in Parliament
(as a way of addressing the steep drop-off in female representatives
after independence), but the Office of Women and Politics, while
in accord with the NGOs theoretically, did not support the Communist's
recommendation very strongly or very audibly. Another source
noted that the Office was essentially without political power.
It may only make recommendations, and its main source of influence
is based on the party affiliation its appointees share with
the Prime Minister. Nonetheless, this particular source felt
that the Office was open and supportive of NGOs and that its
presence was an invaluable support for their work.
EMPLOYMENT - Article 11
Slovenia has the highest living standard among post-communist
countries due to a highly developed, diversified industrial
sector, and a well-educated, skilled workforce.11
Nonetheless, the labour market has experienced major shocks
in the transition to a market economy. First and foremost, it
has become possible for workers to be laid off. Unemployment
went from a negligible 1.6 percent in 1987 to 8.2 percent in
1991, 11.6 percent in 1992, and reached 15.4 percent by the
end of 1993.12 As one
commentary says, "the job security of the socialist period ended
with a vengeance."13 Plant
closings became a fact of life, and a lack of trust in collective
bargaining developed between the government and the trade unions.
Teachers, metal workers and farmers went on strike in 1993 to
protest measures that amounted to a government wage freeze.
In April of 1996 public sector employees - the Slovene dentists
and doctors' trade union (FIDES) - went on strike for nearly
a month.14
Nearly forty-seven percent of the Slovenian work force is
female.15 Women hold eighty
percent of the jobs in health and social work, and more than
half of the jobs in other service sectors, such as education
and culture.16
Privatisation
Slovenia has not privatised as quickly as the other ex-communist
countries. Though its transition to an independent, open economy
is far from complete, some clear concerns with regard to women's
position in the labour force have emerged. There has always
been occupational and wage segregation in Slovenia, with women
heavily concentrated in lower-paying positions and in certain
professions and industries. At the beginning of the transition,
women were less likely to be laid off than men because they
were not the predominant workers in heavy industry, which bore
the initial brunt of layoffs. Since women tended to be employed
in service sectors as well as in light industry, they were not
laid off in numbers equal to men. Also, there is some evidence,
referred to in the 1993 Slovene Preliminary Report to CEDAW,
suggesting that women were more likely to accept lower wages
in order to keep their jobs.17
All of IWRAW's sources expressed concern that the newly created
private enterprises are less likely to hire women, and those
that are restructuring are more likely to make female employees
redundant. Women are more expensive - protective legislation
requiring one year paid maternity leave and earlier retirement
benefits has so far been retained, as well as the regulation
preventing pregnant women from night work and from work which
could threaten their health. And because of child-bearing, they
are deemed less efficient elements of a workforce. The Slovene
1993 Preliminary Report to CEDAW echoes this concern, emphasising
that women are at a disadvantage in the labour market because
of family duties, and that this disadvantage will increase as
the labour market itself continues to shrink in the restructuring
process.
IWRAW's sources stressed that women's concerns about the effects
of privatisation are provisional, due to the brief period of
time that has elapsed since its effects were first felt. However,
sources say that various patterns of employment discrimination
common to open economies are establishing themselves in Slovenia.
For example, women who are more qualified than male applicants
are being passed over for positions because employers believe
that women either do not need employment (as they will have
a husband to care for them economically) or that they will end
their employment once pregnant. By way of example, one source
related that the Office for Women's Politics recently tried
to build a case of employment discrimination against a company
which required women, as a condition of their employment, to
sign an undated contract which stated that upon pregnancy they
would quit their job. The plaintiffs decided not to go ahead
with the case, due to fear of reprisals.
HEALTH CARE AND FAMILY PLANNING - Article 12
The economic transition has led to disarray in the state-run
medical system and to the development of a parallel private
system of health care available only to those who can afford
to pay. The seriousness of the problems affecting the health
care system became obvious after the strike in April 1996, when
doctors and dentists published a declaration, giving their account
of the situation in Slovenia's health service. Their complaints
focused on the monopoly of control exercised by the state Institute
for Health Insurance, which, for example, has a regulation that
doctors must see fifty patients a day on average.18
While doctors insisted on better pay and working conditions,
the State countered that raising salaries for doctors and dentists
would trigger a chain reaction of pay demands in both state
and private sectors.19
Mental health services for women
The first real social research about women who were hospitalised
in one of Ljubljana's psychiatric hospitals was done in 1992.
The women's life stories revealed a number of psycho-social
factors, such as violence, sexual abuse, isolation, exhaustion,
poverty - particularly among the refugees from ex-Yugoslavian
republics - which are not treated or even recognised in the
bio-medical model that predominates in psychiatric hospitals.
Although traditional psychiatric services operate on a medical
model, they mainly function as social service institutions.
For example, the researchers found that many women in the Ljubljana
hospital had run away from violent relationships "to take a
rest." Researchers also found that these hospitals tend to reinforce
traditional taboos against speaking out about sexual abuse and
other dysfunctional family experiences. The majority of the
staff in these institutions are women, who themselves help to
perpetuate the taboos and who sometimes express their own psycho-social
oppression in power relations with patients.
On a theoretical level, consciousness about gender differences
has progressed, but on a practical level, psycho-social help
for women remains almost untouched. Until recently, there has
been only the help line for battered women, although now a few
social workers have begun to consider a women's perspective
in their work. This means that the mental health treatment options
for women in Slovenia are still extremely limited.
Reproductive rights
Article 55 of the Slovenian Constitution concerns freedom
of choice in childbearing. It states that "persons shall be
free to decide whether to bear children. The State shall ensure
that persons have every opportunity to exercise this freedom
and shall create such conditions as enable parents to freely
choose whether or not to bear children." Nonetheless, there
is concern among sources that this right, which now allows women
access to abortion, will be slowly dismantled, particularly
if the Christian Democrats secure important ministries or gain
more political power after the elections in November 1996.
