THAILAND
Second periodic report dated 7 April 1997
Thailand, a country of roughly sixty-one million inhabitants,
borders Myanmar (Burma), Laos, Cambodia and Malaysia in South
East Asia. Thailand is the only country in Southeast Asia never
to be occupied by a foreign power since its founding (in 1238).
The country's official language is Thai, with a variety of ethnic
and regional dialects spoken as well. The population is ninety
five per cent Buddhist; Islam is its most significant minority
religion. Thailand's main trading partners are the United States,
Japan, Singapore and Hong Kong.
Thailand has long been considered one of the more advanced
developing nations in Asia, both economically and because of
its commitment to developing viable democratic political institutions.
With an annual per capita Gross National Product (GNP) growth
rate of at least eight per cent, continuously increasing foreign
investment and a thriving export market, Thailand's "tiger economy"
until recently was a model for other developing nations.
The Asian financial crisis, which began in Thailand in 1997
and spread quickly to other nations in the region and throughout
the world, has resulted in a depreciation of the Thai baht by
over eighty percent, leaving savings accounts and salaries worth
a fraction of their original value. Unemployment has risen dramatically,
and even those who remain employed face wage cuts and delayed
payments. The once thriving middle class is now shrinking; disparities
between rich and poor have been exacerbated. Thailand quickly
implemented International Monetary Fund (IMF) restructuring
demands in exchange for a US $17.2 billion aid package in August
1997, and some analysts predict that it will have the fastest
economic recovery in the region.1 Even so, economists are now talking in terms of a ten-year
recovery cycle.
Like other nations in the Association of South East Asian
Nations (ASEAN), Thailand has traditionally prioritized economic
growth over developing sustainable political institutions, "believing
that political values follow automatically when living standards
improve."2 Thailand's economic decline has resulted in
a growing concern over whether the country's social service
agencies possess the necessary resources to assist the most
vulnerable sectors of society. The country's recent financial
problems have also fuelled an increasing fear of political and
social instability, in Thailand and throughout the region.
Political History
Until 1992, Thailand's government was characterized by frequent
periods of direct military rule. A civilian, parliamentary system
of government had emerged briefly in the 1980s, but in a coup
d'etat the military took control of the country in February
1991. Military rule ended in June 1992 after massive demonstrations
in Bangkok against the regime. Parliamentary elections were
held in September 1992, resulting in the present system of civilian
government with a bicameral legislature based on a proportional
electoral system.
Both domestic and international human rights organizations
applaud the drafting process and ratification of Thailand's
newest constitution, ratified in October 1997. Drafted with
considerable input from nongovernmental organizations and citizens,
it is the first of Thailand's sixteen constitutions to be adopted
by referendum.3
The current coalition cabinet, headed by Prime Minister Chuan
Leekpai, took office in November 1997 amid mixed reactions from
Thai citizens. The coalition government formed when the country's
then elected prime minister, Chavalit Yongchaiyudh, resigned
following intense criticism and a no-confidence vote. Many welcomed
Chuan's leadership, feeling that his clean reputation was a
welcome change from Chavalit, who was criticized for ignoring
the importance of implementing strategies to improve the economic
situation, as well as failure to purge his crony-dominated cabinet.
Many human rights and political activists, however, felt that
forcing an elected prime minister to resign and bringing in
a nonelected leader was a violation of the constitution and
citizens' rights.4 Some
complained that, barely a month after ratifying a constitution,
the country's leaders were already undermining Thailand's tenuous
democratic political institutions.5
Although limited in its power, Thailand's monarchy plays a
key role in mediating conflict and fostering stability in a
country that has gone through seventeen coups, sixteen constitutions
and seventeen prime ministers since the current monarch, King
Bhumibol Adulyadej, assumed the throne in 1951. King Bhumibol
has the right to veto any parliamentary bill, but his real exercise
of power is more subtle. He has been described as having "a
uniquely personal relationship with the Thai people,"6
and is considered to be the sole political figure who "possesses
continuous political experience and has always adhered to constitutional
properties."7 Many observers maintain that the king's approach
to monarchy and the confidence he has cultivated contribute
to Thailand's relative stability in the midst of economic crisis.8
Labor
Although Thailand's unemployment rate is difficult to determine,
government officials currently estimate that it has reached
two million,9 with at least
2,000 workers losing their jobs every day.10 The International Labor Organization predicts that the unemployment
rate could rise to three million, or ten percent of the labor
force, by the end of 1999.11
This represents at least a three fold increase over 1997, and
most economists predict that the full impact of unemployment
has yet to be felt.12
Many of Thailand's wealthier citizens have supplemented their
incomes by selling their cars, clothing and other personal items.
For the poor, however, the possibilities are more limited.13
The Asian financial crisis has particularly affected the employability
of recent college graduates. The University Affairs Ministry
has said that there will be 48,000 unemployed graduates by the
end of next year.14 These
recent graduates, most with little job experience, cannot compete
with recently unemployed, experienced white collar workers who
are willing to work for a fraction of their former earnings.15
Thai legislation does provide for severance pay when workers
lose their jobs, but in practice it is rarely paid.16 A new labor protection law that came into effect in August
1998 provides better protection for employees and limits daily
working hours.17 The new
legislation is intended to bring Thai legislation into conformity
with labor standards established by the International Labor
Organization (ILO).18
Reverse Migration from Thailand's Cities to Villages
Migrant workers, traditionally coming from Thailand's villages
as well as from poorer Asian nations, have played a critical
role in fuelling the nation's "tiger economy." Many came from
villages in Northeast Thailand, where job opportunities were
limited, to work in blue and white collar jobs in Bangkok and
other large cities and tourist destinations. Migrant workers
fuelled Thailand's growing economy; they built Bangkok's skyscrapers
and high rise condominiums and assembled automobiles.
Migrant workers have been among the first to lose their jobs
in the crisis, thereby making them one of the most vulnerable
population sectors in the country. Having lived and worked for
years in urban centers, many are now forced to return home to
their villages in hope of finding work there. Of the two million
unemployed workers as of September 1998, 1.3 million are said
to be Thai villagers who were working in the city, at least
one million of whom have already returned home.19
The result has been "a dramatic change in the traditional village-to-city
migration pattern that transformed Thailand from predominantly
agricultural to mainly industrial societies in one generation."20
Rural communities lack the opportunities and infrastructure
to provide for villagers who have lost their jobs in the cities.
Thailand's farmers have been praised for their self-sufficiency
and independence from government intervention, but many relied
on relatives in the cities to send back money to help with the
agricultural production process. 21 Since villagers can no longer depend on
steady wages from the cities, "local people [can] not follow
the ivory-tower ideal of self-sufficient farming because the
structure of rural farming has totally changed."22
Returning to the villages, many migrants bring with them a
host of new social and medical problems, formerly confined mainly
to urban areas,23 for which rural social service agencies,
village families and clinics are unprepared. Oxfam, World Bank
and other organizations are currently conducting research on
the impact of the crisis on school dropout rates, child labor,
medical problems, poverty and hunger. These initial surveys
indicate that "the human aftershocks of the crisis have been
underestimated."24
Of the 3,306 rural children surveyed in a recent study by
the Social Research Institute at Chulalongkorn University in
Bangkok, thirty percent faced a higher risk of malnutrition
than they did prior to 1996.25
Robbery and gambling in rural communities have increased by
twenty percent, while drug addiction has risen by about thirty
percent since the onset of the crisis.26 The majority of the 5,000 families surveyed
were resorting to self-medication instead of going to doctors.27
One third of the children surveyed were being forced by their
families to work in other areas of the country.28
Compounding matters further, the country's social safety-net
programs have barely reached rural Thailand, despite the fact
that local communities have felt the effects of the crisis for
over a year.29
Human Rights
Thailand's new constitution contains provisions for freedom
of association, movement, assembly, speech and religion. The
new constitution also calls for the establishment of a national
commission on human rights, which the government plans to have
in place by the end of 1999.30
It has already developed an action plan for the creation of
the commission with input from academics, grassroots organizations,
the media and representatives of minority groups, as well as
a public hearing.31
International and Thai-based human rights groups have cited
poor prison conditions as a critical human rights issue facing
the country. Although the country's criminal code prohibits
degrading treatment or punishment, there have been credible
reports that police occasionally beat criminal suspects to force
confessions.32 The government
made no clear effort to investigate or prosecute the perpetrators
of this violence.33
Refugees
Thailand's most critical human rights problem for the past
several years has been the government's treatment of refugees
along the Thai-Burmese and Thai-Cambodian borders. Because Thailand
has been one of the most politically stable countries in Southeast
Asia, it attracts asylum seekers from throughout the region,
particularly Myanmar (Burma), Cambodia and Laos. Although the
government has an official policy of providing asylum to new
arrivals,34 human rights organizations criticize Thailand for deporting
or refusing entry to refugees, poor conditions in refugee camps,
and lack of clear, legislated protections for refugees.35
Burmese nationals constitute the highest portion of asylum
seekers; Thailand has provided temporary protection to over
100,000 refugees in camps along part of the Thai-Myanmar border
since 1984. Cambodian refugees have arrived following a new
wave of violence starting in July 1997. Currently, an estimated
84,000 displaced Cambodians are living along the western border
between the two countries.36 Complicating matters, Thailand is host to over one million
illegal migrant workers, about seventy five per cent of whom
are Burmese. At least 250,000 migrants, mostly Burmese, have
been deported since the financial crisis began, and human rights
monitoring groups assert that many of the deported migrants
were refugees.37
Thailand has been criticized for deporting foreign residents
without considering whether they are legitimate candidates for
refugee status. Thai legislation lacks a clear definition of
the term refugee. Because of the lack of effective refugee status
determination procedures, the government may be deporting people
with a valid claim to refugee status. According to Human Rights
Watch, Thailand has rejected new arrivals at the borders, and
deported individuals who have good reason to fear for their
lives and safety if they were to return to Myanmar or Cambodia.38
The government also has been criticized for not devoting adequate
resources to housing refugees. Human rights monitoring groups
have documented the detention of asylum-seekers and refugees
in harsh conditions, including overcrowding, inadequate access
to medical care and the failure to protect refugee camps on
the borders from raids. Detained asylum-seekers have not been
given an opportunity to challenge the legality of their detention
as required by international standards.39
Media
Human rights advocates worldwide have praised Thailand in
recent years for its continued and deepening commitment to freedom
of expression. The country's new constitution makes it illegal
for the government to censor, ban, license or restrict print
or broadcast media, except by specific legislation in times
of crisis. Newspapers and periodicals do practice some self-censorship,
particularly with regard to the monarchy and national security
issues. For the most part, however, the Thai press acts as an
independent voice, free to question, investigate and criticize
government policies and leaders.40
Endnotes:
1 "Aaron Says Thailand Will be First
to Recover," FT Asia Intelligence Wire, 18 September 1998, on-line,
Nexis, 20 September 1998. back
2 "Asian Crisis--Where Will it End,"
FT Asia Intelligence Wire, 16 September 1998, on-line, Nexis,
18 September 1998. back
3 Suchitra Punyaratabandhu, "Thailand
in 1997: Financial Crisis and Constitutional Reform," Asian
Survey, February 1998, on-line, Infotrac, 15 September 1998.
back
4 Michael Vatikiotis, "Democracy First,"
Far Eastern Economic Review, 6 November 1997, on-line, http://www.feer.com,
1 October 1998. back
5 Michael Vatikiotis, "No Quick Fix,"
Far Eastern Economic Review, 13 November 1997, on-line, http://feer.com,
1 October 1998. back
6 Tony Gillote, "By Serving Democracy,
Monarchies are Earning a Vote of Confidence," The Worldpaper,
13 November 1998, on-line, Nexis, 3 December 1998. back
7 Ibid. back
8 Economist Intelligence Unit, "Thailand"
8 October 1998, on-line, Nexis, 3 December 1998. back
9 Keith B. Richburg, "Reversal of Fortune:
East Asia's Economic Crisis is Sending Newly Urbanized Workers
Back to their Rural Villages without Jobs or Hope," The Vancouver
Sun, 18 September 1998, on-line, Nexis, 20 September 1998.
back
10 Mary Jordan, "Middle Class Plunging
Back into Poverty," Washington Post, 6 September 1998, on-line,
http://www.washingtonpost.com, 8 September 1998. back
11 "Asian Crisis to Cost 10 Million
Jobs This Year: ILO," Japan Economic Newswire, 24 September
1998, on-line, Nexis, 23 October 1998. back
12 Xu Haijing, "Unemployment yet to
be Worse in Thailand," Xinua News Agency, 08 September 1998,
on-line, Northern Light search engine, northernlight.com, 20
September 1998. back
13 Samuel Grumiau, "The Hidden Face
of the Crisis," Trade Union World, 9 September 1998, 6.
back
14 Xu Haijing, "Unemployment yet to
be Worse in Thailand," Xinua News Agency, 08 September 1998,
on-line, Northern Light search engine, northernlight.com, 20
September 1998. back
15 Samuel Grumiau, "The Hidden Face
of the Crisis," Trade Union World, 9 September 1998, 6.
back
16 Ibid. back
17 "New Labor Law Seen to Benefit
Women and Children Most," Financial Times Asia Intelligence
Wire, 9 June 1998, on-line, Nexis, 15 August 1998. back
18 Ibid. back
19 Keith B. Richburg, "Reversal of
Fortune: East Asia's Economic Crisis is Sending Newly Urbanized
Workers Back to their Rural Villages without Jobs or Hope,"
The Vancouver Sun, 18 September 1998, on-line, Nexis, 20 September
1998. back
20 Ibid. back
21 Mary Jordan, "Middle Class Plunging
Back into Poverty," Washington Post, 6 September 1998, on-line,
http://www.washingtonpost.com, 8 September 1998. back
22 "Researchers Claim Government's
Social Safety-Net Policy is Inefficient," The Nation (Bangkok),
21 October 1998, on-line, Nexis, 22 October 1998. back
23 Keith B. Richburg, "Reversal of
Fortune: East Asia's Economic Crisis is Sending Newly Urbanized
Workers Back to their Rural Villages without Jobs or Hope,"
The Vancouver Sun, 18 September 1998, on-line, Nexis, 20 September
1998. back
24 Keith Richburg, "The Path from
Boom to Bust Leads Home," Washington Post, 8 September 1998,
on-line, http://www.washingtonpost.com, 15 September 1998.
back
25 "Researchers Claim Government's
Social Safety-Net Policy is Inefficient," The Nation (Bangkok),
21 October 1998, on-line, Nexis, 22 October 1998. back
26 Ibid. back
27 Ibid. back
28 Ibid. back
29 Ibid. back
30 "Thai Prime Minister Calls on Private
Sector to Promote Human Rights," AP Worldstream, 24 October
1998, on-line, Nexis, 26 October 1998. back
31 Ibid. back
32 "Thailand Country Report on Human
Rights Practices for 1997," U.S. Department of State, 30 January
1998, on-line, available at www.washingtonpost. com, accessed
13 November 1998. back
33 Ibid. back
34 Ibid. back
35 "AI Report 1998: Thailand," Amnesty
International, available at http://www.amnesty.org, accessed
7 August 1998. back
36 Marisa Chimprabha, "Thailand: Bangkok
not Ready to Sign UN Convention on Refugees," Bangkok The Nation,
26 May 1998, on-line, fbis, http://wnc.fedworld.gov, 5 September
1998. back
37 Keith B. Richburg, "Reversal of
Fortune: East Asia's Economic Crisis is Sending Newly Urbanized
Workers Back to their Rural Villages without Jobs or Hope,"
The Vancouver Sun, 18 September 1998, on-line, Nexis, 20 September
1998. back
38 "Burma/Thailand--Unwanted and Unprotected:
Burmese Refugees in Thailand," Human Rights Watch, October 1998,
on-line, available at: http://www.hrw.org/hrw/reports98, accessed
26 October 1998. back
39 "AI Report 1998: Thailand," Amnesty
International, available at http://www.amnesty.org, accessed
7 August 1998. back
40 "Thailand Country Report on Human
Rights Practices for 1997," U.S. Department of State, 30 January
1998, on-line, available at www.washingtonpost. com, accessed
13 November 1998. back
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