CROATIA
Initial report dated
15 February 1995
Independence
Croatia, a country of approximately 4.8 million inhabitants
located in southern Europe on the Adriatic Sea, declared independence
from the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia on 25 June
1991.1 The man credited
with the breakaway from Yugoslavia is Franjo Tudjman of the
Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ),who likes to be called the "father
of the nation." Tudjman won his third five-year presidential
term in the June 1997 election that international observers
dubbed "fundamentally flawed" and "failing to meet the minimum
standards of democracy." The observers criticised the domination
of state-controlled media during the campaign and pointed to
a low turnout, less than 50 percent of the electorate.2
One of the main opposition candidates, Zdravko Tomas, said that
"HDZ spent on a banquet and fireworks as much as we did on our
entire campaign."3
Tudjman, who was given one year to live following a diagnosis
of stomach cancer last November, 4
has been criticised for behaving more like a king than a president.
He runs the country out of a villa previously used by Marshall
Josip Broz Tito. Tudjman uses a complex protocol and his meetings
are called "audiences" which he "grants." He also maintains
a personal guard clad in flashy uniforms and a separate mounted
guard of top horsemen.5
Tudjman's Rise to Power
In November 1989, Tudjman's newly formed Croatian Democratic
Union (HDZ) was the first political party in Croatia to call
for self-determination and secession from Yugoslavia.6
The Croatian Parliament responded by legalising opposition parties
and granting freedom of political affiliation in February 1990.
About 20 political parties participated in the first free elections
in April/May 1990. Running on a nationalist and separatist platform,
the HDZ won a sweeping victory (205 out of the 349 parliament
seats),7 and Tudjman was
elected the President of the Republic, forming the first non-communist
government in Yugoslavia. When negotiations with the Belgrade
government over its status within the Yugoslav Federation failed,
Croatia declared independence in June 1991 .
Conflict with Serbia and Balkan War 1992-1995
Serbs in Croatia, with support from Serbian leader Slobodan
Milosevic, reacted to Croatia's free elections by launching
an armed insurrection on August 17, 1990. They attacked police
stations and blocked the main highway south of Zagreb, the Croatian
capital. In response to efforts by the police to stop the uprising,
the Belgrade government sent Serbian air force to "restore order."
Following Croatia's declaration of independence in June 1991,
the Serbian-Yugoslav armed forces launched a full-scale war
against Croatia under the pretext of protecting the Serbian
minority in Croatia. By the end of 1991, more than one-third
of Croatia's territory had been seized, the city of Vukovar
and others had been totally destroyed and thousands of Croats
had been killed. The Serbian government openly admitted its
goal of annexation of the territory in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina
in order to form a new "Greater Serbia." The aggression was
widely condemned, and the European Community and other world
powers recognised independent Croatia on 14 January 1992, and
the U.S. in April 1992. The Croatian government regained control
of most of the territory, largely by military means, in spring
and summer of 1995.
Dayton Peace Accords -- 14 December 1995
The Dayton Peace Agreement, known as Dayton Peace Accords,
was signed in Paris on 14 December 1995 by Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Croatia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The accords
divided Bosnia Herzegovina into three ethnic regions (Croat,
Moslem and Serb-controlled).8
Under the agreement, all refugees and displaced persons of the
former Yugoslavia have the right to return to their homes.9
All governments are obligated to deliver convicted war criminals
to the International War Crimes Tribunal in the Hague. The agreement
also called for the return to Croatia of the Eastern Slavonia
region after a transitional period of two years.10
The government of Croatia has been criticised for failing
to fulfil its obligations under the peace accords. In 1997,
the UN Security Council urged the Croatian government to improve
its record in this regard and declared that the situation in
Croatia has continued to be a "threat to international peace
and security."11 Under
U.S. pressure, the World Bank postponed indefinitely a vote
on a US$30 million loan to Croatia to pressure the government
to comply with provisions of the accords.12
The Croatian government has so far failed to assure a safe
return of refugees. The military actions and ethnic cleansing
in Croatia left about on-half million displaced persons and
refugees, mostly Muslims and Croatian Serbs.13
Even though president Tudjman has repeatedly pledged that the
Muslims would be able to return to their homes in the Croat-run
part of Bosnia, where he continues to exercise a considerable
influence, the government has done little to facilitate the
process. In August 1997, Muslims attempting to return to their
homes in Bosnia-Herzegovina were driven out by drunken Croats
amid accusations that the government has been inciting such
attacks.14 Croats in the
town of Jajce burned homes to prevent Muslims' return.15
Croatian Serbs also have accused the Croatian leadership of
making it difficult for the Serbian refugees to return to their
homes in Croatia.16 The
refugees have often been exposed to pressure and threats, including
physical abuse and even murder. 17
Serbs have complained that they are routinely prevented from
obtaining Croatian documents and from exercising freedom of
movement, and rights to property, education and work.18
Amnesty International criticised the authorities for failing
to prevent ill-treatment and arbitrary killings of returning
displaced Croatian Serbs by Croatian soldiers in the Krajina
region in 1996.19
In September 1997, a report prepared by a former official
at the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe
who had worked in the Croatian part of Bosnia accused the Croatian
government of maintaining close ties with the Croat population
in Bosnia in direct violation of the Dayton Accords.20
Mass Media
Tudjman exercises tight control over the media. He controls
television service and remains in close contact with a few trusted
newspaper and television editors. In fact, the media often become
tools of hostile propaganda against the Serb minority.21
Despite the president's control over the media, there are
several independent newspapers and radio stations.22
These publications are subjected to constant pressures which
include court cases for "injury to feelings," often resulting
in large fines imposed on these publications by pro-government
judges. Harassment of the independent media also includes arbitrary
applications of tax and administrative measures. The April 1996
amendments to the Criminal Code obligate the State Prosecutor
to initiate criminal proceedings against anyone who "slanders"
the president and several other public officials.23
This law has been applied in several cases. For instance, in
September 1996, two journalists of the independent weekly Feral
Tribune were accused of "insulting" the president. The editor
of the weekly Nacional was prosecuted for "spreading false information"
when he criticised poor equipment that may have caused a plane
crash which killed a government official.24
Journalists also were put on trial recently for "publishing
disrespectful images" of Tudjman.25
Amnesty International pointed out that these laws violate international
standards.26
Economy - War Damage and Recovery
The dissolution of the Yugoslav federation and the war disrupted
trade and supply routes between republics. As a result of the
loss of former domestic markets, the country's per capita income
dropped by 16 percent between 1990 and 1995. The war caused
an estimated US$51 billion in damage to Croatia's economy.27
Recently, however, some economists have pronounced Croatia to
be "effectively in a war-recovery situation"28
and termed it a "small but vibrant economy." The country's GNP
grew by 6.5 percent last year, which is one of the highest rates
in Europe, while its inflation levels have been one of the lowest
at 3.5 percent.29 Tourism,
the key sector and main foreign currency earner for Croatia,
tourism, has shown dramatic signs of revival this year, with
a 45 percent increase in the number of tourists.30
Labour
According to a report prepared by the International Confederation
of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), the Croatian government often
bans strikes and uses the media to intimidate strikers and to
wage propaganda campaigns against them. For instance, the government
has accused unions of anti-state activity and of trying to overthrow
the authorities. The ICFTU reported several cases of intimidation
and firing of trade union officials. While the Supreme Court
usually acts quickly to ban a strike, it does not respond in
a similarly swift way when the unions appeal its decision.
In January 1996, despite the government's earlier declarations
of support for collective bargaining and promises of increased
social dialogue, the government banned wage increases for public
sector employees. Since most of industry was state-owned, the
move meant that the majority of country's workers were prevented
from bargaining over wages. When the Croatian Trade Union Bloc
(UATUC; formed by five trade union organisations) asked the
government to talk with them, the government refused. 31
CONTRIBUTORS: This report is based on the "shadow report"
completed in October 1997 by a coalition of Croatian women's
and other human rights NGOs which includes: B.a.B.e. Women's
Human Rights Group (Be active, Be emancipated); Autonomous Women's
House - Zagreb; Center for Women War Victims; Rosa House for
Women and Children, Women's Group Losinj, Women's Group Porec;
Center for Peace; Non-violence and Human Rights - Osijek; and
Women's Action Rijeka. IWRAW also included information from
two earlier publications prepared by B.a.B.e.: the Legal Status
of Women in Croatia (December 1996), and Status of Women in
Croatia (Autumn/Winter 1994-95 with Spring/Summer 1995 Annex).
Information provided separately by the Autonomous Women's House
Zagreb also is incorporated.
MEASURES TO ELIMINATE DISCRIMINATION - Convention Article
2
Croatia has incorporated international treaties into its Constitution,
and its legislation includes many progressive provisions concerning
women. But B.a.B.e. and other NGOs called these official documents
"decorative public relations pieces to convince the international
community that Croatia is a liberal democracy."32
Women's NGOs told IWRAW that the government has not taken firm
action against sex discrimination and for the promotion of women.
To the contrary, the administration has supported initiatives
to limit women's rights. For instance, in 1992 it helped establish
the Department for Demographic Renewal under the leadership
of a Catholic priest known for his chauvinistic and nationalistic
attitudes toward family and women. The government also launched
a Program for Demographic and Spiritual Renewal which proposed
motherhood as the "highest vocation and profession for women."33
NGOs have also complained that in the drafting of the laws affecting
women such as the new Family Law in 1994, the government has
concentrated on defining women's role exclusively through family
and motherhood.
According to several women's groups, the National Program
for Demographic Renewal, which was adopted by the Croatian Parliament
in January 1996, defines the status of women exclusively as
a "reproductive vehicle" for new Croats. It provides various
social privileges for families with three or more children,
such as prolonged paid maternity leave, tax reduction, child
support, etc. Although women's groups in Croatia generally support
social security measures for families and women with many children,
they are disturbed by the "ethnically oriented" and "fundamentally
anti-women" tone of these programmes. Moreover, they are concerned
that the Croatian government has failed to fulfil obligations
under this law because the state budget cannot cover the expenses
for such a population policy in the foreseeable future.34
The NGO coalition report states that the absence of a definition
of discrimination and the lack of anti-discriminatory mechanisms
in the Croatian constitution leaves women without protection
against abuse. Although the government established the Committee
for Equality in 1995, the concept of sex equality is not even
mentioned in its name. According to the NGO coalition, the committee's
role has not been effectively defined and there has been no
attempt by the committee to properly deal with issues of equality
between women and men. Moreover, its chairwoman, who is the
national vice-president, has not shown a commitment to the advancement
of women and women's issues, and she often expresses her conservative
views in public. For instance, once she announced that "women's
right to free choice existed only so long as they were not pregnant."35
Women's groups complained that the Committee for Equality did
not include representatives of women's NGOs in the process of
preparation of the Croatia report to CEDAW.
Women's NGO recommended that the government include an explicit
definition of discrimination against women in the country's
Penal Code, Family Law and Labour Law. They also called for
granting executive powers to the Committee for Equality, the
allocation of resources to the committee and inclusion of NGO
representation.
BASIC RIGHTS AND FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMS - Convention Article
3
Refugees
According to the Croatian women's groups, 80 percent of refugees
living in Croatia are women and children. Refugees from Bosnia
who are not Croatian citizens do not have the right to work
and do not enjoy any legal protection and access to social services.
These women have often been exposed to intimidation and abuse.
The public has not been educated about the international human
rights treaties and rights of refugees, and the government has
not attempted to address violations of their rights.
In 1994, the Croatian military forces evicted residents of
apartments formerly owned by the Yugoslav Army. The majority
of those who were evicted were women and children. The women
either worked for JNA (the former Yugoslav Army) or were divorced
from former army officers. These women reported harassment and
violence and there is at least one documented case of rape.
TEMPORARY SPECIAL MEASURES - Convention Article 4
The Croatian government's report to CEDAW (CEDAW/C/CRO/1)
recognises the insufficiency of women's participation in political
and public life. Yet, except for special provisions for the
protection of maternity, the Croatian government has done nothing
to promote greater women's participation in the politics and
no affirmative programmes have been introduced to promote women
in the government.
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN - Convention Articles 3, 5, 6, 12,
15, and 16
The government does not collect statistics on gender-based
violence, but the Autonomous Women's House Zagreb (AWHZ), B.a.B.e.
and other women's NGOs have recorded an increase in various
forms of sexual violence, such as battery, rape, intimidation,
murder and sexual slavery.36
In 1997, for instance, there has been an 11-percent increase
in the reported cases of wife-battering (8,650 cases). AWHZ
Director Slavica Kusic stated that the extent of gender-based
violence is actually much higher and it continues to increase.
37 The NGOs believe that
this is a result of economic tension and the misogyny of the
prevalent war culture: men who are psychologically traumatised
by the war or frustrated by their decline in economic power
often express their rage through verbal and physical abuse of
women. Despite abundant evidence, the government has not taken
responsibility in this area - there are no state supported shelters
for women and no rehabilitation programmes for the perpetrators.
Even though AWHZ has repeatedly requested financial support
from the government, none has been provided.
Victims of domestic violence told Legaline, a women's legal
assistance project, that they did not report abuse to the state
because they did not trust the state institutions. Women reported
that their complaints were often trivialised by the police.38
The vast majority of law enforcement officers, who deal with
family violence and question the complainants, are male. B.a.B.e.
reported that women's claims are often not taken seriously and,
instead, ill-trained police blame them for not "playing the
role of supportive and devoted female." There is no gender-sensitisation
training for law enforcement officials.
The Croatian legal system does not protect women from violence.
Although the law provides for protection of private property,
restraining orders to protect a person from an abusive partner
do not exist. The only crimes against the person defined in
the Criminal Code are insult, assault and battery. Even in these
cases, the legislation recommends a civil suit as an appropriate
remedy. There is no legal protection from abuse by partners,
and rape by a husband or cohabiting partner is not a crime.39
In addition, police protection is even more problematic if the
perpetrator is a member of the Army, since the civil police
do not have jurisdiction over them.
Women's NGOs recommend that the government establish a Family
Court that would deal with family violence issues in a speedy
way since at present women are often forced to live with their
tormentor during typically lengthy court proceedings.
SEX ROLES AND STEREOTYPING - Convention Article 5
Media
The Croatian government's report to CEDAW states that the
government is making an effort to change social consciousness
and promote a less stereotypical and traditional attitude towards
women through the media. B.a.B.e. told IWRAW that the dominant
media portray women in a sexist way and lack awareness of the
need for gender democracy. According to women's groups, the
state television does not broadcast any educational or political
programmes which would cover issues of the status of women.
When women's rights are discussed (such as in the popular show
Latinica), the approach is superficial, sensational and intimidating
to women. When professional women are represented, they are
given as examples of individual achievement and it is emphasised
that they are "not being feminists." As a matter of fact, feminism
is often portrayed as a subversive and anti-state movement.
Pornography
According to women's groups in Croatia, the market economy
has encouraged the production of pornography. Magazines often
feature women as a fancy escort to important men or as vamps
in the entertainment business.
PROSTITUTION AND
TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN - Convention Article 6
According to one
NGO report, the militarisation of the society as the result
of the war led to an increase in organised prostitution and
sexual exploitation of women. No action has been taken by the
government to prevent trafficking of women, who are often recruited
from other countries such as Ukraine, Slovakia, Russia and Poland.
Moreover, the media often present owners of such establishments
as successful entrepreneurs.40
The Croatian law does not penalise prostitution but it provides
a criminal penalty for trafficking in women. However, NGOs report
that the police take measures against prostitution only sporadically
and there is no support for female victims of trafficking.
POLITICAL AND PUBLIC
LIFE - Convention Articles 7 and 8
The government's
report to CEDAW states that because women have been active in
the wartime effort, they can be expected to "know how to achieve
their position in the society in the peacetime." Yet, according
to women's NGOs in Croatia, the political domain is almost exclusively
controlled and defined by men. Women are seriously underrepresented
in all decision-making levels of the national and local government.
For example, only 5.4 percent of parliament members are women
(11 out of 206).41 NGOs
report that in the 1992 elections, only 6 out of 27 political
parties ran females as candidates. Women's NGOs report that
on the regional level, the situation is even worse and the number
of women representatives is diminishing. While, thanks to energetic
efforts by women's groups, several political parties developed
women's programmes for the 1995 and 1997 elections, these programmes
were dropped at the conclusion of the campaign. The lack of
women in the government is seen as one of the reasons why state
institutions and political parties do not address issues of
concern to women and virtually ignore sex discrimination in
all spheres of the society.
Croatian women's
NGOs recommend the establishment of a system of gender quotas
for election lists to the parliament and to regional and municipal
councils to stimulate women's participation in politics and
in the governing bodies.
NATIONALITY - Convention
Article 9
Refugees
The NGO coalition
reported that refugees, and particularly women of Serbian ethnicity
returning to the territory of Krajina (which was previously
controlled by the Serbs), have been prevented from acquiring
Croatian citizenship. According to the NGO coalition report,
the process of obtaining Croatian documents is a long bureaucratic
nightmare subject to delays and hindrance.
EMPLOYMENT - Convention
Article 11
Women in Croatia
are concentrated in lower paying and lower status jobs. According
to NGO sources, they have high employment rates in low profit
industries, such as textiles and chemicals, and generally are
absent from heavy industry. Women constitute the majority of
teachers but even there they are concentrated in the lower levels
of education. Although women constitute the majority of elementary
school teachers, most school principals are men.
Labour Act of 1
January 1996
Women have complained
that privatisation and the adoption of a new labour law has
led to a decrease in job security for women. Although ostensibly
the new labour law gives women, and particularly mothers, increased
protection and benefits, NGOs have complained that in fact,
the law discourages employers from hiring women because they
would be required to provide costly benefits. NGOs fear that
the law will contribute to further marginalisation of women
and devaluing of their paid labour. Many entrepreneurs have
taken advantage of the difficult economic situation and the
surplus of available labour by hiring women illegally for less
than market wages and with no benefits.
In addition, the
new labour law gives mothers with four or more children the
status of "Mother-Nurturer" with entitles them to various benefits,
such as financial compensation, old age pension and retirement,
and health insurance. NGOs pointed out that the law discriminates
against men, since only women can attain the status of the nurturer.
At the same time, it also releases men from shared responsibilities
within the family and toward the children.
Croatian NGOs reported
that some women professionals are forced to sign a contract
with their employer which commits them not to become pregnant
for 5 years. The pressure on women to sign such contracts is
immense, and the new law does not provide sufficient protection
to employees while giving the employer vast authority over hiring
and firing.
Women's groups reported
that sexual harassment in the workplace has become standard
behaviour. Women's human rights groups call for laws against
this pervasive problem since the current labour law lacks any
provision for such protection.
HEALTH CARE AND
FAMILY PLANNING - Convention Article 12
Reproductive Health
The NGO shadow report
states that although gynecological care is still a part of primary
health protection in Croatia, its accessibility continues to
diminish. Health centres now charge women for every checkup,
and many women cannot afford the fee. Some preventive tests
and check-ups, such as breast checks and cervical smear tests,
if performed more than once a year, have to be fully paid for
by the patient. The availability of some tests, such as mammography,
is very low and the waiting period extends from 3 to 5 months.
Also, the availability of oral contraceptives in pharmacies
has decreased. A survey conducted in February 1997 in Zagreb,
showed that 80 percent of pharmacies carried only two brands
of oral contraceptives. In 53 percent of the pharmacies vaginal
diaphragms were not available, and a further 15 percent did
not carry all sizes.
Reproductive Rights
In recent years
the government (under pressure from the influential Catholic
church) has actively promoted Croatia's "demographic renewal"
and campaigned for slowing the decrease in the birth rate, claiming
that the nation is threatened with "extinction." As a result
a "Program for Demographic Renewal" was adopted by Parliament
in January 1996.
Although abortion
is still legal in Croatia , B.a.B.e. and other women's NGOs
have expressed concern over recent government actions and public
pronouncements that may signal impending criminalisation of
abortion and restriction of women's right to control their fertility.
Some steps in that direction have already been taken. In January
1997, the right-wing Croatian Party of Right (HSP) proposed
a new law on reproductive rights which would outlaw all abortions
except in three situations (life-threat to the mother; malformation
of fetus; rape). Although the bill has not been debated in Parliament,
the NGOs are concerned about the influence HSP enjoys with the
ruling HDZ party and about the growing political power of the
pro-life movement.42 The
pro-life organisations fervently oppose abortion and any forms
of contraception, and some have even gone as far as to call
for granting parents with children broader voting rights than
those without children.43
NGOs also have expressed
concern over the support the government lends to these organisations.
For instance, the pro-life organisations have been allowed to
organise their meetings at the Zagreb City Hall, even though
NGOs are usually not allowed to use the space. Moreover, the
state-controlled media give a huge amount of exposure to these
groups while the same level of publicity is denied other non-governmental
organisations, such as women's and other human rights organisations.44
NGOs reported that gynecologists in some hospitals have refused
to perform abortions for fear of reprisals and harassment from
the pro-life movement.45
MARRIAGE AND FAMILY
LAW - Convention Article 16
One NGO reported
that the advisory body to the parliamentary committee established
in January 1994 to draft a new Family Law, was composed exclusively
of male state officials and clergymen. NGOs and unions attempted
to obtain a draft of the law but were denied access. According
to B.a.B.e. and other Croatian women's groups, the new Family
Law violates the Croatian Constitution which separates the secular
state from the church, by equating civil and religious (Catholic)
form of marriage. Women's NGOs have been concerned that this
indicates a special relationship between the government and
the Catholic church and that the arrangement may have negative
long-term consequences for women as to divorce and reproductive
rights.
Endnotes:
1
C. Michael McAdams, Croatia: Myth & Reality, 2nd Edition
[book on-line], available from http://vukovar.unm.edu/~vuksan/myth/index.html,
accessed on 4 September 1997. back
2
Simon Henderson, "Putting Croatia Into Context," 15 August
1997, Financial Times, vol. 17, no. 17, p. 3-4. back
3
"Opposition Candidate Backs OSCE View of Elections," British
Broadcasting Corporation, 19 June 1997, on-line. back
4
Philip Smucker, "Pro-Nazi Extremism Lingers in Croatia,"
Washington Times, 15 June 1997, on-line. back
5
"Croatia's Boss," Jane's Information Group Limited, 4 September
1997, Nexis, 4 September 1997. back
6
The Yugoslav Constitution guaranteed the right to leave
the union, but in fact such a move was considered treason.
back
7
Misha Glenny, The Fall of Yugoslavia:The Third Balkan War
(New York: Penguin Books, 1992), 3. back
8
Edward Cody, "Between a Crunch and a Crisis: US Tries to
Jump-Start Balkan Peacemaking Amid Breaches in Accord," Washington
Post, 7 August 1997, A25, on-line, 8 September 1997. back
9
Caroline Smith, "Drunken Croats Drive Muslims from Bosnian
Homes," Reuters, 3 August 1997. back
10
World Bank June 1996..... back
11
"Security Council Extends Mandate of UNTAES and of Military
Observers in Prevlaka until 15 January 1998," United Nations
Security Council. Department of Public Information. News Coverage
and Accreditation Service. New York., SC/6396, 14 July 1997,
page 3. back
12
Steven Lee Myers, "World Bank, at US Urging, Postpones
Vote on Loan to Croatia." New York Times, 2 July 1997, on-line.
back
13
Chris Hedges, "Tale of Death and Cruelty in Croatia Told
by Ex-Militiaman," New York Times, 5 September 1997, on-line.
back
14
Caroline Smith, "Drunken Croats Drive Muslims from Bosnian
Homes," Reuters, 3 August 1997. back
15
Edward Cody, "Between a Crunch and a Crisis: US Tries to
Jump-Start Balkan Peacemaking Amid Breaches in Accord," Washington
Post, 7 August 1997, A25, on-line, 8 September 1997. back
16
Jonathan C. Randal, "Tudjman, 75, Seen Likely to Keep Presidency
as Croatia Votes Today," Washington Post, 15 June 1997, on-line.
back
17
Zoran Radosavljevic, "Croatia Improves Human Rights, But
More Needed," Returers, 9 June 1997. back
18
"Serbs Support US Initiative to Exclude Croatia from Council
of Europe," British Broadcasting Corporation, 26 September 1997.
back
19
Amnesty International, Amnesty International Report 1997:
Croatia, available from http://www.amnesty.org), Internet, accessed
on 24 September 1997. back
20
"Croatians Are Accused of Subverting the Peace Accords,"
New York Times, 20 September 1997, on-line. back
21
"Security Council Extends Mandate of UNTAES and of Military
Observers in Prevlaka until 15 January 1998," United Nations
Security Council. Department of Public Information. News Coverage
and Accreditation Service. New York., SC/6396, 14 July 1997,
page 9. back
22
"Croatia's Boss," Jane's Information Group Limited, 4 September
1997, Nexis, 4 September 1997. back
23
Amnesty International, Amnesty International Report 1997:
Croatia, available from http://www.amnesty.org), Internet, accessed
on 24 September 1997. back
24
Amnesty International, Amnesty International Report 1997:
Croatia, available from http://www.amnesty.org), Internet, accessed
on 24 September 1997. back
25
Zoran Radosavljevic, "Croatia Improves Human Rights, But
More Needed," Returers, 9 June 1997. back
26
"Croatia: Amnesty International Condemns Prosecution of
Feral Tribune Journalists in Croatia," Amnesty International
Press Release, 20 May 1996, on-line. "suppression of robust
criticism of government officials by the media is generally
not permitted." back
27
"State Commission Puts War Damage at About 30bn Dollars,"
British Broadcasting Corporation, 4 September 1997. back
28
Simon Henderson, "Putting Croatia Into Context," 15 August
1997, Financial Times, vol. 17, no. 17, p. 3-4. back
29
Simon Henderson, "Putting Croatia Into Context," 15 August
1997, Financial Times, vol. 17, no. 17, p. 3-4. back
30
"Croatia: Country Update," The Economist Intelligence Unit,
16 September 1997. back
31
International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, 1997
Annual Survey of Violations of Trade Union Rights (Brussels:
International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, 1997), 107-109.
back
32
Budi aktivna, Budi emancipirana (Be active, Be emancipated
- B.a.B.e.), Status of Women in Croatia. Autumn/Winter 1994-95,
page 1. back
33
Budi aktivna, Budi emancipirana (Be active, Be emancipated
- B.a.B.e.), Status of Women in Croatia. Autumn/Winter 1994-95,
page 1. back
34
E-mailed message from B.a.B.e. posted to Conference "women.east-west,"
7 February 1996. back
35
NGO Report on the Status of Women in the Republic of Croatia,
Zagreb, Croatia, October 1997. back
36
Budi aktivna, Budi emancipirana (Be active, Be emancipated
- B.a.B.e.), Status of Women in Croatia. Autumn/Winter 1994-95,
page 6. back
37
"War Blamed for 11 Percent Rise in Wife-battering in Croatia,"
Agence France-Presse, 25 November 1997. back
38
Budi aktivna, Budi emancipirana (Be active, Be emancipated
- B.a.B.e.), Status of Women in Croatia. Autumn/Winter 1994-95,
page 6. back
39
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