| BASIC COUNTRY
INFORMATION: [i]
Population, July 2000 estimate:�16,733,227
million
Ethnic Makeup: 46% Kazakh,� 34.7% Russian,�
4.9% Ukrainian, 3.1% German, 2.3% Uzbek, 1.9% Tatar,
7.1% other
Religion:��47% Muslim, 44% Russian Orthodox
, 2% Protestant, 7% Other.
GDP: (ppp dollars):�$54.5 billion
GDP, real growth rate, 1999 estimate:�1.7%
GDP per capita (ppp dollars, 1999 estimate):
$3200
GDP composition by
sector:�10%� agriculture, 30% industry,� 60% services
Population growth rate,
2000 estimate:�-0.05%
Infant Mortality rate, 2000 estimate:�59.39
deaths/1000 live births
Maternal Mortality rate (1998):� 70/100,000
live births [ii]
Literacy:�Total - 98%
��������������Female - 96%
[iii]
��������������Male - 99%
Secondary Gross Enrollment Rate [iv] :� Female - 91%
(% of age group, 1998 estimate)������� ������Male - 82%
Life Expectancy at Birth:�Total - 63.19
years
��������������������������������������Female
- 68.93 years
��������������������������������������Male�
- 57.73 years |
Political
and Economic Overview
Kazakhstan
is a former Soviet Union republic that gained independence
in 1991. Since then, it has experienced political turbulence
and economic instability. Moving towards a market economy,
Kazakhstan�s principal issues have centered on the need
to address fiscal constraints and growing poverty, in
a context of domestic political turmoil.
The
President, Nursultan Nazarbayev, has been the key leader
since independence. He was re-elected to a new 7-year
term in January 1999. His continuing domination at the
national level is facilitated through the constitution
adopted in 1995, which places much of the political power
in the presidential office. The 1995 constitution itself
was a product of Nazarbayev�s predominant influence as
at the time he had dissolved parliament, was ruling by
decree, and had extended his term to the year 2000. The
1995 Constitution included measures that made it possible
for Nazarbayev to hold elections early and win in 1999.
Later
amendments to the Constitution further reinforced international
concerns about the election. [v] Preemptive measures disqualified major
opponents and prevented remaining opponents from gathering
political support. International and domestic protest
over the election process pointed out the weakness of
democratic institutions and corruption of police authorities.
The judicial system does not address political oppression,
as the president�s influence is unduly felt in the judicial
branch of the government. The parliament is viewed as
a puppet machine run by supporters of the president. Nazarbayev�s
influence is not limited to government operations, as
his daughter controls the national television network,
his brother-in-law is head of tax police, and his son-in-law
is vice-president of the Kazakhoil Company. [vi]
Efforts
to discourage debt and stimulate the domestic economy
have led to massive cutbacks on social welfare policies
since independence. Real wages have fallen, and unemployment
has increased. Thirty five percent of households are living
below the poverty level. The World Bank reports that over
60 percent of poor households receive no �public transfers�,
that is, any periodic (monthly or otherwise) financial
assistance. Poverty is also regionally concentrated, with
two-thirds of the total poor population living in the
east and south. [vii]
The
economic conditions have led to outbursts of protest,
which are confronted by police who have great leeway in
handling public demonstrations. For example, in 1999 three
women from a group of hunger strikers in Alrask were beaten
when they blocked a railway to protest the non-payment
of family social benefits for three years. [viii]
Mass Media
Several
sources report undue influence of government, and especially
of the President, on the press. The Office for Democratic
Institutions and Human Rights states, �broadcast licenses,
tenders for freedom and tax laws are used to control media.
As a result the independent media have experienced financial
problems, which often leads to closure.� Furthermore,
�these types of intimidation lead to self-censorship by
journalists. Media employees have no protection from reprisal
or intimidation.� [ix]
Privatization
of media resources has not increased the ability of the
press to report truthfully or critically about the government.
The 1999 Annual Report on Kazakhstan by the International
Helsinki Federation for Human Rights describes, �the monopolization
of the mass media was virtually completed. All major media
outlets, including the opposition television, radio, and
press corporation Caravan became the property of individuals
close to the president.� [x] During the most recent elections, media
attempts to cover the opposition in any favorable light
led to their harassment and seizure to prevent distribution. [xi]
Kazakhstan
also maintains control over incoming television and radio
transmissions. The Committee to Protect Journalists states,
�Kazakh authorities were also quick to suppress critical
broadcasting from outside the country. Between October
16 and October 18, Kazakh authorities blocked transmissions
of all the Russian television networks available in the
country�The move came in retaliation for Russian television
coverage of a Swiss government decision to freeze bank
accounts allegedly belonging to Nazarbayev.� [xii]
Over
100 women�s NGOs currently exist in Kazakhstan. [xiii] The NGOs are concerned with a broad range
of issues: ecological deterioration, AIDS education, single
motherhood, entrepreneurial support, and general health
care education. All NGOs must register to have legal status,
that is in order to engage in public organizing (for which
a permit must be obtained), enter into contracts, etc.
Women�s NGOs are allowed to organize and have no real
difficulty obtaining registration papers, especially because
of their role in providing social support services that
are no longer offered through the state because of fiscal
constraints. In general, women�s NGOs are not viewed as
posing any political threat to President Nazarbayev. However,
actions by women�s NGOs regarded as critical of the state
do meet resistance. [xiv]
STATUS
OF WOMEN IN KAZAKHSTAN UNDER SPECIFIC CEDAW ARTICLES:
CONVENTION
ARTICLE 1
DEFINITION
OF DISCRIMINATION
The
Kazakhstan Constitution, Article 14 (2) states: �No one
shall be subject to any discrimination for reasons of
origin, social, property status, occupation, sex, race,
nationality, language, attitude towards religion, convictions,
place of residence or any other circumstances.� [xv]
In
practice however, distinctions made on the basis of sex
lead to women�s greater representation among the unemployed
(and thus an increased risk of living in poverty) [xvi]
, lower representation in high political
office [xvii]
, and the burden of household responsibilities
[xviii] .
CONVENTION
ARTICLES 2 and 3:
OBLIGATIONS
TO ELIMINATE DISCRIMINATION &
THE
DEVELOPMENT AND ADVANCEMENT OF WOMEN
An
official state policy adopted in 1997 states that constitutional
prohibitions on sex discrimination must be enforced/supported
by effective government measures. [xix]
The president and other government members
acknowledge the concept of women�s rights. Yet, in September
of 1998, President Nazarbayev�s speech on the development
plan to the year 2030 included explicit reference to women
only in their capacities as child bearers. [xx] �� To achieve parity between men and women
in terms of political, social, and economic roles and
benefits, the State created a department to gather information
and advise the President on the status and progress of
women in the country. The National Commission for Family
and Women under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan
was formed in December of 1998 with the intention of examining
women�s issues. It has been active in promoting women�s
status and does incorporate certain women�s NGOs within
its initiatives. For example the Feminist League regarded
the National Commission as a chief factor in establishing
the integrity of the government�s first submitted CEDAW
report. [xxi] �
With
the creation of the UNDP-sponsored Gender in Development
Office in Almaty in 1996, it was possible for Kazakhstan
to hold a national conference on the topic of gender studies.
One major objective was to discuss and ascertain how to
implement gender into Kazakhstan�s overall development
strategy. [xxii] Such discussion has led to further collaborations
between UNDP and the government of Kazakhstan. For example,
a project entitled �Status and economic advancement of
women in Kazakhstan�, providing small loans to assist
entrepreneurial women, was achieved because of UN influence
and financial support. However, outside of collaborative
efforts with and assistance from the UN, Kazakhstan has
been slow to independently promote women�s status. Even
the National Commission, a government entity, is largely
funded by international resources. [xxiii]
CONVENTION
ARTICLE 5:� SEX ROLES AND STEREOTYPING
Because
of past Sovietization, women in Kazakhstan have long been
accustomed to the idea of and the right to paid work.
However, household work and chores have never been recognized
as a shared responsibility. Women, therefore have the
double burden of work outside and within the home.
Sovietization
limited the impact of Islamic-based constraints on participation
in public activities, such as education. [xxiv] However, as Kazakhstan is embroiled in
developing a national identity there may very well be
a resurgence of Islamic fundamentalism. As early as 1990,
an NGO was formed on the basis of women�s Muslim identity.�
The League of Muslim Women of Kazakhstan is a national
NGO and receives part of its funding from Islamic countries.
However, political affiliation on the basis on religion
is illegal and many Muslim groups have complained of persecution
from the secular state.
Certain
regional traditions reinforce sex roles that inhibit women�s
full participation. In southern Kazakhstan, for example,
bride stealing still occurs to some extent
[xxv] . In the southwestern region a cultural
pattern of having large families burdens women and exacerbates
conditions of severe poverty.
[xxvi]
Despite
high educational achievement, women are underrepresented
in high administrative positions, decision-making roles
and offices both within the government and in the private
sector. According to one source, �a traditional gender
pyramid has developed - the higher the level of authority,
the fewer the women.� [xxxvi]
Currently,
the female labor force represents 47 percent of the total
employed in Kazakhstan, which is similar to the rest of
Europe and Central Asia (46 percent). [xxxvii]
Since the breakup of the USSR, however,
women have increasingly been forced to leave the formal
sector. According to the 1995 UNDP Human Development Report
for Kazakhstan, from 1990 to 1993 women�s employment fell
by 500,000. [xxxviii] A similar pattern of women�s vulnerability
to unemployment since then has been noted as �women are
the last to be hired and the first to be fired.� [xxxix] In 1997, women made up 63.2 percent of
the unemployed.
[xl] The 1999 report by the International Helsinki
Federation for Human Rights indicates that in the southern
regions, women made up between 70 and 80 percent of the
unemployed. [xli]
CONVENTION
ARTICLE 12: HEALTH CARE AND FAMILY PLANNING
The
fertility rate is 2.03 children per woman, the birthrate
is 16.78 per 1000 population, while the infant mortality
rate is 59.39 per 1000 live births. [xlii] �� These statistics indicate that women
in Kazakhstan have higher rates than that of other women
in Europe and Central Asia (fertility rate 1.6, birthrate
is 12 per 1000, infant mortality rate 22 per 1000 live
births 1998 estimates).
[xliii]
�Women�s
life expectancy is higher than that of men by more than
10 years (men�s = 57.73, women = 68.93). With the fiscal
tightening many social services that had been universal
were severely cut in the in the mid 1990s. Kazakhstan
is also dealing with nuclear waste and endangerment from
former Soviet defense sites of radioactive or toxic chemicals.
Currently, environmental degradation and pollution endanger
the health of many if not most Kazakhstanis. The fact
that women live substantially longer than men and that
the social safety net has been severely downgraded means
that women are at more risk to live a poorer quality of
life at the end of their lives.
CONVENTION
ARTICLE 13: SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC BENEFITS
Employed
women are entitled to family benefits paid for by the
employer. Furthermore, the law prohibits the dismissal
of women based upon their status as mothers of children
under three years of age or pregnancy. These factors have
a negative effect on women�s employment prospects, as
employers consider women to be a risky and expensive category
of employee. [xliv]
CONVENTION
ARTICLE 14: RURAL WOMEN
Kazakhstan
is lacking adequate social support for women in rural
areas. Those living in the east and the southern regions
are in the most difficult position as they compose two-thirds
of the total poor. [xlv] � These areas are the farthest from the
current and former capital cities of Astana and Almaty,
which are modernized and have more economic opportunities.
Rural women not only must face a situation of fewer possibilities
for generating income but also, tend to have larger families
and encounter more rigid cultural constraints.
GENERAL
RECOMMENDATION NO. 19: VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN
Domestic
Violence
Domestic
Violence is a major problem in Kazakhstan. The President
has addressed the need to tackle this societal issue in
a speech made in September 1998. Murat Batalov, head of
the Interior Ministry�s Department on Prevention of Violence
Against Women, stated in a November 16, 2000 article,
�the most frequent type of violence against women is systematic
battering and humiliation.� [xlvi]
The
law distinguishes between domestic violence and �crimes�
against women. Police are authorized to deal only with
physical violence, so �women�have nowhere to turn in cases
of economic and sexual violence in the family.� [xlvii]
Kazakhstan
has taken preliminary steps to address the problem (gathering
data, creation of the Commission for Family and Women
under the President), but without stronger legislation
and additional funding for immediate enforcement, the
pervasive problem of domestic violence will continue.
Rape
Rape
is considered a �grave� crime, the second most severe
crime classification in the Criminal Code. The penalty
is a maximum of five to six years� imprisonment. However,
a sentence may be revoked if the perpetrator �reconciles�
with the victim.
Prosecution
of rape is very problematic under the Criminal Code Practice
of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Rape charges are to be
pursued through �private� and �private-public� prosecution.
In �private�
prosecution, the initiative and financial burden of pursuing
the trial is on the victim. A �private-public� prosecution
is required if the rape occurred with aggravating circumstances,
but public prosecutors may refuse to pursue the case.
This in effect, transforms the process into that of a
�private� prosecution, with a heavy responsibility upon
the victim to ensure that justice is served.[xlviii]
